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Vol. 1 — Vol. 3

JOURNAL
OF AN

EXPEDITION TO EXPLORE THE COURSE AND
TERMINATION OF THE NIGER.

JOHN LANDER

London. Published by John Murray, Albemarle Street, 1832.

# JOURNAL
OF
AN EXPEDITION TO EXPLORE THE COURSE
AND TERMINATION
OF
THE NIGER;

WITH A

NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE DOWN THAT RIVER
TO ITS TERMINATION.

BY
RICHARD AND JOHN LANDER.

IN THREE VOLUMES.
ILLUSTRATED WITH ENGRAVINGS AND MAPS.

VOL. II.

LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.

MDCCCXXXII.

LONDON:
Printed by William Clowes,
Stamford Street.

## [v]CONTENTS
OF
VOLUME THE SECOND.

[1]JOURNAL.

## CHAPTER VIII.

The Widow Zuma — Present to the King — Visit to the Niger — The King of Boossà and the Midīkie — Object of the mission explained — The tobe of Park recovered — Park’s papers — Boossà described — Resources of the Country — One of Park’s books discovered — Equity of the King — The hostess — Departure from Boossà — Kagogie — Canoes — Embark on the Niger — Description of the river — Village of Sooloo — Rocky barrier — Arrival at Yáoorie.

Friday, June 18th.—The noted widow Zuma visited us to-day without the slightest pretensions to finery of any kind, either in her dress or ornaments, for she was clad in very humble apparel of country cloth. She related to us with great good humour her quarrels with her prince, the ruler of Wowow, and her consequent flight from that city to escape his resentment. It appears that, in order to effect this, she was actually obliged to climb over the city wall in the night, and travel on foot to Boossà, which is a very long journey, and to a woman of her size must have been an arduous task. She alleged that she had done nothing whatever to merit the displeasure of the[2] Wowow chief, notwithstanding which he had robbed her of all her household furniture and a number of her slaves. But, from another quarter, we learn that one of her sons had committed a theft in the city, for which he would have suffered death, if he had not made his escape with his mother, who it is said had instigated him to the deed. The widow complained sadly of poverty and the hardness of the times; she had fought with the Yarribeans against Alòrie; but instead of receiving a recompense for her bravery, she had lost half her slaves in an engagement, which so disgusted her with the military profession, that she immediately abandoned it and returned home. Yet, in spite of all her losses and misfortunes, she has gained so much in corpulency, that it was with the utmost difficulty she could squeeze herself into the doorway of our hut, although it is by no means small. The widow Zuma is a very good-looking, elderly person of matronly appearance. Her skin is of a light copper colour.

After the widow had left us, I carried the presents which had been selected to the king and queen. Each appeared delighted with them, and the former more especially was extravagant in expressions of admiration and thankfulness. A pair of silver bracelets, a tobacco pipe, and a looking-glass, seemed to rivet the attention of the king, who could not take his eyes off them for[3] a full half hour, so much was he pleased with them.

This morning we visited the far-famed Niger or Quorra, which flows by the city, about a mile from our residence, and were greatly disappointed at the appearance of this celebrated river. Black, rugged rocks rose abruptly from the centre of the stream, causing strong ripples and eddies on its surface. It is said that, a few miles above Boossà, the river is divided into three branches, by two small fertile islands, and that it flows from hence in one continued stream to Funda. The Niger here, in its widest part, is not more than a stone’s-throw across at present. The rock on which we sat overlooks the spot where Mr. Park and his associates met their unhappy fate; we could not help meditating on that circumstance, and on the number of valuable lives which have been sacrificed in attempting to explore this river, and secretly implored the Almighty that we might be the humble means of setting at rest for ever the great question of its course and termination.

Saturday, June 19th.—This morning the king, accompanied by his consort, who is said to be his counsellor and only confidant, honoured us with a visit at our hut. They came without any kind of state or ceremony, and were both dressed more plainly than many of their subjects. The king wore a white cotton tobe over another of blue and[4] white, a cap of red cloth, and leathern sandals of the same colour. The midīkie was clad in a common check shirt, of Nouffie manufacture; a plain piece of blue cotton was fastened round her head, wholly concealing the hair; a larger piece of the same kind was thrown over the left shoulder, and a third, tied round her waist, reached so far as the middle of the leg. Her feet were bare, as were likewise her arms up to the elbow; a brass ring ornamented each great toe, and eight silver bracelets each wrist, the least of them weighing little less than a quarter of a pound. Besides these ornaments, the queen wore a necklace of coral and bits of gold, and small pieces of pipe coral were stuck in the lobe of each ear.

We had almost forgotten to mention that the sultan of Bornou is considered the most powerful chief of Northern, as the king of Boossà is of Western Africa. The queen is the daughter of the last and sister of the present ruler of Wowow.

The demand for coral has been very great in every town of consequence which we have visited. All ranks of people appear passionately fond of wearing it, and it is preferred to every other ornament whatever. The midīkie asked us, this morning, if we had brought any coral with us, and seemed rather disappointed, though not displeased, on being answered in the negative. She then pulled out a little box, made of sheep skin,[5] which was filled with coral beads and little golden trinkets, and requested me to polish the latter for her. We offered her a few plated buttons, which we had just before been cleaning, and they were accepted with transport; but, as their brightness had excited the admiration of her consort, a scramble took place as to which of the two should have them. After a long struggle, it ended in the triumph of the king, who first chose the largest and best for his own use, and then gave his spouse the remainder, taking care, however, to show her the inside of the buttons he had selected for himself, which were tarnished by use, and to display those intended for her to the greatest advantage. The royal couple were like two great children, yet they were each well pleased with their own, and expressed their thankfulness with much warmth.

We imagined that it would have been bad policy to have stated the true reason of our visiting this country, knowing the jealousy of most of the people with regard to the Niger; and therefore, in answer to the king’s inquiries, I was obliged to deceive him with the assertion that our object was to go to Bornou by way of Yáoorie, requesting at the same time a safe conveyance through his territories. This answer satisfied the king, and he promised us every assistance in his power. Our visitors remained with us a considerable time, and in the course of conversation,[6] one of them observed that they had in their possession a tobe, which belonged to a white man who came from the north many years ago, and from whom it had been purchased by the king’s father. We expressed great curiosity to see this tobe, and it was sent us as a present a short time after their departure. Contrary to our expectations, we found it to be made of rich crimson damask, and very heavy from the immense quantity of gold embroidery with which it was covered. As the time when the late king is said to have purchased this tobe corresponds very nearly to the supposed period of Mr. Park’s death, and as we never heard of any other white man having come from the north so far south as Boossà, we are inclined to believe it to be part of the spoil obtained from the canoe of that ill-fated traveller. Whether Mr. Park wore the tobe himself, which is scarcely probable on account of its weight, or whether he intended it as a present to a native chief, we are at a loss to determine. At all events, the article is a curiosity in itself; and if we should live to return to England, we shall easily learn whether it was made there or not. The chief himself has never worn the tobe, nor did his predecessor, from a superstitious feeling; ‘besides,’ observed the king, ‘it might excite the cupidity of the neighbouring powers.’

Sunday, June 20th.—The king sent a messenger[7] this morning, to inform us that he was a tailor, and that he would thank us for some thread and a few needles for his own private use. By this man he likewise sent a musket for us to repair; but as it is Sunday, we have declined doing it till to-morrow. Eager as we are to obtain even the slightest information relative to the unhappy fate of Mr. Park and his companions, as well as to ascertain if any of their books or papers are now in existence at this place, we had almost made up our minds to refrain from asking any questions on the subject, because we were apprehensive that it might be displeasing to the king, and involve us in many perplexities. Familiarity, however, having in some measure worn off this impression, and the king being an affable, obliging, and good-natured person, we were emboldened to send Paskoe to him this morning, with a message expressive of the interest we felt on the subject, in common with all our countrymen; and saying that, if any books or papers which belonged to Mr. Park were yet in his possession, he would do us a great service, by delivering them into our hands, or at least by granting us permission to see them. To this the king returned for answer, that when Mr. Park was lost in the Niger, he was a very little boy, and that he knew not what had become of his effects; that the deplorable event had occurred in the reign of[8] the late king’s predecessor, who died shortly after; and that all traces of the white man had been lost with him. This answer disappointed our hopes, for to us it appeared final and decisive. But in the evening they were again raised by a hint from our host, who is the king’s drummer, and one of the principal men in the country: he assured us, that there was certainly one book at least saved from Mr. Park’s canoe, which is now in the possession of a very poor man in the service of his master, to whom it had been entrusted by the late king during his last illness. He said moreover, that if but one application were made to the king, on any subject whatever, very little was thought of it; but if a second were made, the matter would be considered of sufficient importance to demand his whole attention,—such being the custom of the country. The drummer therefore recommended us to persevere in our inquiries, for he had no doubt that something to our satisfaction would be elicited. At his own request, we sent him to the king immediately, desiring him to repeat our former statement, and to assure the king, that should he be successful in recovering the book we wanted, our monarch would reward him handsomely. He desired the drummer to inform us, that he would use every exertion, and examine the man who was reported to have the white man’s book in his possession, at an early[9] hour to-morrow. Here the matter at present rests.

In the afternoon, the king came alone to see us, and wished to know when we were inclined to depart: we answered, that we were quite ready; that we were only waiting his pleasure, and would gladly proceed on our journey whenever he would give us permission. He said, if the king of Yáoorie should not have a canoe for us by Monday evening, we should have the use of one of his own, and that we should have liberty to embark on the following morning. We thanked him for his kindness, and took the opportunity of paying him and his spouse a compliment, which their treatment of us has really deserved. The king took it in good part, was extremely affable and obliging, and quitted us in an excellent humour.

I have been very unwell during the last day or two, but am now much better.

Monday, June 21st.—The city of Boossá, as we have before observed, consists of a great number of groups or clusters of huts, all within a short distance of each other. It is bounded on one side by the river Quorra or Niger, and on the other by an extensive turreted wall, with moats, forming a complete semicircle. Notwithstanding, however, its natural and artificial defences, Boossá was taken by the Falátahs many years ago; on which occasion its inhabitants fled, with their children and effects, to one of those[10] little islands in the Niger, which we have already mentioned. But the chiefs of Niki, Wowow, and Kíama, having been made acquainted with the circumstance, assembled together, and having joined their forces with those of Boossà, drove the Falátahs, their common enemy, into the Niger, where many of them perished. Since that period the city has never been invaded, nor threatened with attack. The soil of Boossà is, for the most part, very fertile, and produces rice, corn, yams, &c., in great abundance. Dowah, a kind of corn, is obtained here in the greatest perfection; it yields five hundred fold, and forms the principal food of the inhabitants, both rich and poor. Another variety of corn grows here, which has eight ears on a single stem; the grain is very small and sweet, but it is not cultivated to any extent. The butter-tree flourishes in and near the town; and palm oil is imported from Nouffie; but the latter is only used as an article of food, because it is very scarce and dear, and is purchased only by the king and a few of the principal inhabitants. The king and his midīkie have each great numbers of fine cattle, but none of their subjects are in possession of a single bullock; they have, however, flocks of sheep and goats, and obtain immense quantities of fish from the Niger. Very good salt is brought from a salt lake on the borders of the river, which is about ten days’ journey to the northward of this place; and pepper grows in every part[11] of the country. Guinea-fowl, pheasants, partridges, and a variety of aquatic birds are found here in the greatest plenty, and have afforded us excellent sport. The natives sometimes endeavour to shoot them with their arrows, but this method of procuring game is at all times very precarious and difficult; and two birds only have been thus killed during several years past. Deer and antelopes also abound near the city; but they are timid and shy, and rarely, if ever, caught by the inhabitants. The fish, with which the river abounds so plentifully, are eaten by all classes of people: they are tough, dry, and unsavory; yet they form part of the daily food of the inhabitants, who appear exceedingly fond of them.

The Hàussa language is understood by the generality of the natives of Borgoo, both young and old, almost as well as their mother-tongue, and it is spoken by the majority of them with considerable fluency. The government of the country is despotic; but this unlimited power, which is vested in the monarch, is almost invariably exercised with lenity and forbearance. All private disputes are settled by the king, and he punishes misdemeanours just as his inclination may lead him. It was reported that the queen ruled her husband, and influenced his conduct in all matters; but the affair of the buttons shows the rumour to be ill-founded. The king’s address[12] is superior; and his whole demeanour, in our presence, though mild and unassuming, displays a good deal of natural dignity. He sent us a fine turkey this morning, which was acknowledged on our part by a couple of Guinea-fowl and two brace of partridges, which my brother had shot.

In the afternoon, the king came to see us, followed by a man with a book under his arm, which was said to have been picked up in the Niger after the loss of our countryman. It was enveloped in a large cotton cloth, and our hearts beat high with expectation as the man was slowly unfolding it, for by its size we guessed it to be Mr. Park’s journal; but our disappointment and chagrin were great, when, on opening the book, we discovered it to be an old nautical publication of the last century. The title page was missing, but its contents were chiefly tables of logarithms. It was a thick royal quarto, which led us to conjecture that it was a journal; between the leaves we found a few loose papers of very little consequence indeed; one of them contained two or three observations on the height of the water in the Gambia; one was a tailor’s bill on a Mr. Anderson; and another was addressed to Mr. Mungo Park, and contained an invitation to dinner,—the following is a copy of it:—

‘Mr. and Mrs. Watson would be happy to have[13] the pleasure of Mr. Park’s company at dinner on Tuesday next, at half-past five o’clock.

‘An answer is requested.

‘Strand, 9th Nov. 1804.’

The king, as well as the owner of the book, looked as greatly mortified as ourselves, when they were told that the one produced was not that of which we were in quest, because the reward promised would not of course be obtained. As soon as our curiosity had been fully satisfied, the papers were carefully collected and placed again between the leaves, and the book as carefully folded in its envelope as before, and taken away by its owner, who values it as much as a household god. Thus all our hopes of obtaining Mr. Park’s journal or papers, in this city, are entirely defeated. The inquiry, on our part, has not been prosecuted without much trouble and anxiety, and some little personal sacrifices likewise, which, had they been ten times as great, we would gladly have made whilst a single hope remained of their being effectual.

Tuesday, June 22d.—When Captain Clapperton was at Wowow on the former expedition, Paskoe purchased a slave of the widow Zuma to be his wife, but for some reason or other the bargain was not completed, and the woman remained with her mistress. A part of the purchase-money only[14] was given back to Paskoe, and he was obliged to quit the town with his master without having had an opportunity of recovering the remainder. The widow’s late change of residence from Wowow to Boossà seemed to offer a fair chance for Paskoe to obtain his money, and he accordingly made an early application for it; but though she acknowledged the debt, she refused payment on the ground that, as the prince of Wowow had forcibly obtained possession of the girl in question, he had no right whatever to the money. Paskoe, unwilling to lose so large a sum, then laid the matter before the king of Boossà, for his decision; and, in consequence, the widow has undergone two or three examinations, without producing any good whatever. The monarch has declared that he sees the justice of his demand, but as the woman obstinately refuses to pay the debt, he cannot think of forcing her to do so against her inclination. Paskoe subsequently offered the whole of the money which the widow owed him to the king, provided the latter could obtain it. But this was altogether repugnant to the monarch’s notions of right and wrong. He replied, ‘The widow came here to me alone, and in distress, to claim my protection, which I granted her without hesitation; it would therefore ill become me to break my faith, and turn my back on an object so utterly defenceless and unprotected,[15] by exacting from her the money of another for my own use, in the recovery of which I had previously refused to interfere. I cannot break my word—I cannot grant you your request.’

It is amusing to discover the shifts to which the people of Boossà and other places have resorted, in the hope of obtaining a little present of some sort from us. The day after our arrival here, a man, who represented himself as brother to the King of Nouffie, sent us a large bowl of dried fish and onions; and another individual has sold his only tobe, for the purpose of obtaining a little money to purchase some bum, which is a fermented liquor extracted from the palm tree and the bamboo, and which he is about to present to us. The former of these presents was rejected, because such kind of things had become, by their frequency, so serious an inconvenience, that we have determined to accept of nothing for the future in the shape of a gift, except from the chiefs and governors themselves. Yet we have repented of our resolution in this instance, having been informed yesterday that the pretended brother of the King of Nouffie was not long ago taken prisoner by the Falátahs, and his only son with him, and that they were both sold by them to a company of Hàussa merchants; that the father had redeemed himself from slavery by his own exertions, and that he had had recourse[16] to the above expedient of sending us a quantity of dried fish and onions, in the expectation of obtaining a little money from us towards emancipating his son. The poor man went away quite crest-fallen and unhappy at the ill success of his project, and quitted the city immediately after, to visit his enslaved son, who is at Koolfu, so that when we were made acquainted with the circumstance it was too late to relieve him, and we very much regretted it.

Our hostess is an agreeable and good-natured woman, but she is excessively vain of her person; so much so indeed, that she employs several hours in the day in dressing her hair, which hangs down below the face in three plaited queues, one of them from the forehead, and one from each side of the head; after which she affixes ornaments on different parts of her body, stains her lips and teeth a shining red colour with hennah (a species of myrtle); and when all this is done she admires herself in a broken looking-glass which we have given her. This is the most whimsical and diverting part of the ceremony: she approaches the glass and retreats from it again, smiles when she fancies that she looks pretty; and distorts her features and throws her body into all manner of comical attitudes, to ascertain which is the most engaging. Although only a drummer’s wife, our hostess is considered as a person of[17] respectability, for her husband’s situation is one of the most important in the kingdom; and all the more respectable females of Borgoo adorn their persons in much the same manner as she does, and have an almost equal share of affectation and vanity. The men sometimes stain their lips and teeth, and finger and toe-nails, like their wives; but this custom is by no means general among them. The King and Queen of Boossà disregard it altogether.

We brought three horses with us to Coobly from Jenna; two of them have died from fatigue, and the third is in so miserable a state, that he can be of no further service to us. The king paid us a visit this afternoon, and informed us that everything will be in readiness for our departure to-morrow. On this occasion he presented us with an excellent and handsome horse, which is the more acceptable, as we have only one, which we fortunately purchased a few days ago from the Governor of Coobly. The monarch strongly enjoined us to accept of no provisions, particularly milk and honey, from any person whatever, excepting the governors of towns through which we may pass, for he was apprehensive that poison would be mixed with them. He did not explain to us on what grounds he entertained his suspicion, but left us to form our own conjectures on his unexpected advice. If we are not mistaken,[18] the king warned Captain Clapperton of a similar danger.

During the whole course of our journey we have nowhere experienced greater kindness, attention, and hospitality, than from the amiable ruler of this place, and his no less amiable companion, and we shall have occasion to remember their civility to us as long as we live.

Since we have been here the king has given us a horse, bullock, sheep, and turkey, which were all very valuable, while our present to him is considerably less than that which the King of Kiáma received.

Wednesday, June 23rd.—Last night Boossà was visited by a tornado, which did a little mischief to the town. At an early hour in the morning the king and queen paid us a farewell visit, when the former again cautioned us to beware of poison. We then expressed our acknowledgments to both for all their favours; and an hour or two after they had taken their departure, we rode out of the city, accompanied by two horsemen as an escort, and a foot-messenger to the Sultan of Yàoorie. Not far from the walls of Boossà we came to a spot where the herds of the King and Midīkie were grazing: finer cattle can nowhere be seen; they are under the care of Falátah slaves, because the natives do not understand their management. From hence[19] we journied along the banks of the Niger, at an easy pace, owing to the hollows in the path, and two hours afterwards entered a pleasant little walled town, called Kagogie, where we were desired to halt till to-morrow. The town is peopled solely by the King of Boussà’s slaves; and is distant, in a northerly direction, from the capital about eight or nine miles. We have been sent hither by land, because a canoe could not be paddled up the river without the greatest difficulty and danger, on account of the rocks. The inhabitants of Kagogie appear to enjoy an easy kind of life. The chief part of their time is employed in husbandry, fishing, and taking care of the king’s horses; and though but indifferently clad, they all seem well fed, contented, and comfortable.

In the afternoon a young woman presented herself with a few loose leaves of ‘Thomson’s Seasons,’ which we had thrown away at Boossà. She had been despatched purposely by the king, her master, who imagined that they were valuable to us, and that we had overlooked them in the hurry of departure.

Even here, in this insignificant and sequestered place, the Arabic language is professed to be taught in schools, and boys are put under the tuition of men, who can only teach them a few very short Mohammedan prayers, and who do not themselves understand a single Arabic character.

[20]Our nights were spent most unpleasantly at Boossà, by reason of the swarms of mosquitoes and black ants which infested our dwelling, and whose sting is keener than a needle’s point; the latter insect, in particular, is a great nuisance, and we are told that there is not a town on the banks of the Niger that is free from either.

Thursday, June 24th.—Though the governor of Kagogie had been made acquainted with our intentions no less than three days before our arrival, yet no canoe had been got ready for our use; and this morning, when we expected to embark, the ‘King of the Canoe,’ as the person who has the care of it is ridiculously styled, informed us with the utmost unconcern that it was out of repair, and that it would not be fit for our reception for some hours at least. This intelligence was very disagreeable and provoking, for we were so anxious to embark on the Niger, that the shortest delay was painful to us. Besides the appearance of the morning foretold a hot day, and as we had neither awning nor umbrellas to screen us from the burning sun, this circumstance tended to increase our uneasiness. The natives have no forethought, and imagine that all men value time as little as themselves; everything is deferred till the very last moment, and they look up into one’s face with wonder when they see one anywise impatient.

[21]In the course of the forenoon we repaired to the side of the river, which is about twenty or thirty paces from the town, for the purpose of endeavouring to encourage and hurry the workmen in their labour about the canoe. Promises and threats were employed to effect this object, but the men would neither be coaxed nor intimidated,—they would not overwork themselves, they said, for all the riches in our possession; so that we were obliged to leave them, and exercise our patience. The branch of the Niger which flows by Kagogie is about a mile in width; but it is rendered so shallow by large sand-banks that, except in one very narrow place, a child might wade across it without difficulty. Mr. Park chose a deeper and safer branch, though it led to the same dangers.

Our horses were conveyed across from here to the opposite side of the river, from whence they will be taken to Yàoorie by land, because the canoes of the natives would be too frail a conveyance for them. These canoes are of great length, but the workmanship employed in making and fashioning them is exceedingly rude and careless. Owing perhaps to the want of proper trees of sufficient magnitude, they are made of two blocks of wood, which are sewn together by a thick cord, under which a quantity of straw is placed, both inside and out, to prevent the admission[22] of water; but the whole is altogether so clumsily executed, that every canoe in the country is always leaky.

About mid-day the workmen having finished our canoe, the luggage was presently put into it, and between twelve and one we embarked with our people, and were launched out into the river. The direction of this branch was nearly east and west; and we proceeded some distance down the stream for the purpose of getting into the main branch of the Niger, where there is deeper water. This object was soon attained, and we found it flowing from north to south, through a rich and charming country, which seemed to improve in appearance the further we advanced. We were propelled at a good rate up a channel, which, from half a mile in breadth, gradually widened to rather better than a mile. Beautiful, spreading, and spiry trees adorned the country on each side of the river, like a park; corn, nearly ripe, waved over the water’s edge; large, open villages appeared every half-hour; and herds of spotted cattle were observed grazing and enjoying the cool of the shade. The appearance of the river, for several miles, was no less enchanting than its borders; it was as smooth as a lake; canoes, laden with sheep and goats, were paddled by women down its almost imperceptible current; swallows, and a variety of aquatic birds, were[23] sporting over its glassy surface, which was ornamented by a number of pretty little islands.

The heat of the weather distressed us greatly, till the approach of evening, when large sand-banks and shallows engaged our attention. A little after eight, P.M., we landed on the eastern bank of the river, not far from a small village, where we fixed our tent on a plot of rising corn, and, having nothing to eat, went supperless to rest.

Friday, June 25th.—The most remarkable object which we saw on rising this morning, was a rugged and romantic range of hills, appearing to the eastward of our encampment: it is called Engarskie, from a country of the same name in which the hills are situated, and which was formerly an independent kingdom, but is now become a province of Yàoorie. At a little before seven, A.M., our canoe was pushed off the sandy beach on which it had been secured last evening, and propelled down a very narrow channel, between a large sand-bank and the shore. This conducted us into the main branch of the Niger, and we again admired its delightful and magnificent appearance.

We had proceeded only a few hundred yards when the river gradually widened to two miles, and continued so as far as the eye could reach. It looked very much like an artificial canal; the banks having the appearance of a dwarf wall,[24] with vegetation beyond. In most places the water was extremely shallow, but in others it was deep enough to float a frigate. During the first two hours of the day, the scenery was as interesting and picturesque as can be imagined. The banks were literally covered with hamlets and villages; fine trees, bending under the weight of their dark and impenetrable foliage, everywhere relieved the eye from the glare of the sun’s rays, and, contrasted with the lively verdure of the little hills and plains, produced the most pleasing effect. Afterwards, however, there was a decided change; the banks, which before consisted of dark earth, clay, or sand, were now composed of black rugged rocks; large sand-banks and islands were scattered in the river, which diverted it into a variety of little channels, and effectually destroyed its appearance.

About eleven o’clock, dark clouds from the west foretold an approaching storm; and our boatmen used their utmost exertions in endeavouring to reach a village, or some place of security, before it should burst upon us; but in this hope we were disappointed, for in a very few minutes it blew a hurricane, accompanied by thunder and lightning of the most awful description, and the rain fell in torrents. It became, besides, so dark, that nothing could be clearly distinguished at the distance of only a few yards. We were wetted to the skin in a moment; and our canoe was in danger of[25] sinking as we came abreast of a little fishing village, on an island, close to the water’s edge. We jumped on shore as soon as possible, and ran, without shoes or hats, into the first hut we came to for protection from the storm. Here our unlooked for intrusion frightened away a poor woman, who rushed out of the hut as we entered it; but we commenced throwing off our dripping clothes, and displacing a pot of fish which was stewing over a few expiring embers, heaped up all the dry wood we could find. Not till then did we discover that our situation was little better than it had been in the canoe; the hut had two large open doorways opposite each other, through which the wind swept the rain, and filled it with pools of water. This was too much for us, and sallying out immediately, half-dressed, we hurried towards a hut which we perceived at a short distance; but this was no better than that which we had left,—all seemed alike; and rushing back again through the pelting rain, we regained our deserted hut, and resigned ourselves to all its inconveniences. Our people shortly afterwards came up to us, quite benumbed with cold and wet; and, notwithstanding their distress and our own comfortless condition, we could not forbear laughing at their comical and ragged appearance. Meantime the hostess and her husband, with several of the other villagers, summoned up resolution enough to visit us; and[26] by way of a peace-offering, they brought with them fire-wood and a small quantity of provisions. This enabled us to kindle two large fires in the hut, which, as the storm was abating, soon dried up the water; but we were unavoidably obliged to lie down in damp clothes. My brother and I sat up during the best part of the night, for we found it impossible to sleep, not only on account of myriads of mosquitoes, but the groaning and snoring of men, the barking and growling of dogs, an incessant drumming at an adjacent village, and the startling roar of a lion, which was prowling about our quarters nearly the whole of the night.

Saturday, June 26th.—The tempest of yesterday was succeeded by a cool evening, and a remarkably clear night. In the morning, on leaving the village, we were followed to the beach by a few of its inhabitants, and when the canoe was pushed off at seven o’clock, they cheered us loudly. These people are harmless and good-natured, but dirty in their persons and singular in their manners. Their language is different from that spoken at Boossà. Most of the villages on the islands, as far as Yàoorie, it is said, are inhabited by the same race of people, and they are also scattered on the banks of the river. The women daub their hair with red clay, but they are too poor to purchase many personal ornaments, and the men use none whatever. They appear to[27] have the necessaries of life in abundance; they are partial to agriculture, and cultivate large portions of land with corn, rice, and onions; besides which fishing is carried on by them on an extensive scale, and numbers of the men go three days’ journey up the Niger to catch fish. Most of their huts are supported on clay pillars, which are wonderfully small; or on stone slabs not more than an inch in thickness. The walls of the huts are only two or three inches in thickness; but these have no large doorways like that which we occupied; and instead of them, they are furnished with a small single aperture near the roof, to which their owners are obliged to climb; and even then they cannot enter without great exertion. These huts approach nearer to the shape of a common English oven than anything else we have ever seen. Situated between Boossà and Yàoorie, the inhabitants of most of the islands speak the language of those countries, but they have also one of their own, which nobody but themselves understand: a smattering of the Hàussa tongue, which they have attained, is the only method of communication which is adopted in their trading transactions.

We had passed the island whereon we slept last night but a few minutes, and had just entered into the main river, when we came to a spot where it spreads again into branches, and each channel was[28] literally filled with dangerous rocks, sand-banks, and low islands covered with tall rank grass. The appearance of them was extremely disheartening. We were conducted up the main branch of the river, but were soon obliged to land with our people in order to lighten the canoe, which, after a deal of exertion, was lifted over a ridge of rocks into deeper water. During the greater part of the morning, indeed, our canoe was continually striking against concealed rocks, or running on hidden sand-banks, but sustained no apparent damage by the concussion; the only inconvenience we experienced from it was the fatiguing one of being obliged to get out and in whenever it was found necessary. It therefore afforded us much pleasure to be landed, about two o’clock in the afternoon, on the left bank of the river, for we were heartily tired of our morning’s work, and felt highly gratified that it was over.

At a short distance from the water’s edge the country was thickly studded with clusters of huts, which all together are called the village of Sooloo; and we took up our quarters in a large one, which is nearest the landing-place. The inhabitants resemble very much the islanders already spoken of; they cultivate much land and catch vast quantities of fish; but though they live well, they are clothed very indifferently. The only ornaments they wear are made of the back-bone of a certain[29] species of fish, which are tied round the loins and other parts of the body. Besides corn, &c. the inhabitants also grow immense quantities of onions, and they have large store-houses full of these, ready to be exported to different parts of the continent. The price of an onion here is two cowries; at Katunga forty, and at Badágry they fetch so high a price as a hundred cowries each.

We were treated this afternoon with much hospitality by them, and they did all in their power to render our short stay as agreeable as possible.

Sunday, June 27th.—Both of us awoke this morning rather unwell, which was most likely occasioned by our exposure to the tempest of Friday. The old chief of the village accompanied us to the water’s edge when we quitted our hut for the purpose of embarking, and enjoined the ‘King of the Canoe’ to be particularly careful of his charge. ‘Careful!’ answered the man; ‘to be sure I will; do I not know that white men are more precious than a boat-load of eggs, and require as much care to be taken of them?’ We entreated the same man a short time afterwards to be more active and diligent in the management of his canoe, for he was rather inclined to be lazy, and suffered every one to go before ours; but he replied gravely, ‘Kings do not travel so fast as common men; I must convey you along as slowly as possible.’

[30]We had heard so unfavourable an account of the state of the river at one particular place which we should have to pass, that our people were compelled to disembark and walk along the banks a considerable way till we had passed it, when we took them in again. We found the description to be in no wise exaggerated; it presented a most forbidding appearance, and yields only to the state of the Niger near Boossà in difficulty and danger. On our arrival at this formidable place, we discovered a range of black rocks running directly across the stream, and the water, finding only one narrow passage, rushed through it with great impetuosity, overturning and carrying away everything in its course. Our boatmen, with the assistance of a number of the natives, who planted themselves on the rocks on each side of the only channel, and in the stream at the stern of the canoe, lifted it by main force into smoother and safer water. The last difficulty with respect to rocks and sand-banks was now overcome, and in a very little time we came to the termination of all the islands, after which, it is said, there is not a single dangerous place up the Niger. The river here presented its noblest appearance; not a single rock nor sand-bank was anywhere perceptible; its borders resumed their beauty, and a strong, refreshing breeze, which had blown during the[31] whole of the morning, now gave it the motion of a slightly-agitated sea. In the course of the morning we passed two lovely little islands, clothed in verdure, which at a short distance looked as charming as the fabled gardens of Hesperia; indeed no spot on earth can excel them in beauty of appearance. These islands are inhabited by a few individuals.

About eleven A.M. we landed at the foot of a little village on the east bank of the river, where our horses and men had arrived before us. Here a little milk was presented to us by a Falátah in the service of the sultan of Yàoorie, and we rested under a large tree an hour or two, awaiting the arrival of carriers from the city of Yàoorie, who had been sent for yesterday by one of the Boossà messengers that had charge of our horses. These men arrived at the village between one and two o’clock in the afternoon, and we immediately mounted and rode onwards.

The path was in a N.N.E. direction, and we travelled over a sterile country, which was gradually rising at every step, and abounded plentifully in game. The weather was oppressively warm, and we were obliged to refresh ourselves by halting occasionally and resting in the shade. The soil, which at first was so indifferent and barren, improved greatly as we drew near Yàoorie; and immense patches of land, cultivated with a variety[32] of corn, also with rice, indigo, cotton, &c., were visible on every side. Labourers were employed in these plantations, attended by a drummer, that they might be excited by the sound of his instrument to work well and briskly. On attaining the summit of a steep hill, we rode over a very narrow pathway, so much overhung by an impenetrable thorny shrub, that there was not room for more than one man to walk. This led us to the wall of Yàoorie, and we entered the city through an amazingly strong passage, in which was an immense door covered with plates of iron, rudely fastened to the wood-work. We were almost exhausted with fatigue on our arrival, insomuch that we excused ourselves from visiting and paying our respects to the sultan, and we were conducted to a convenient habitation, which had been prepared for us. Yàoorie is about eight miles N.N.E. from the village at which we landed.

## [33]CHAPTER IX.

Remarks on the River — Intelligence of the fate of Mr. Park — His Gun obtained — Visit to the Sultan — Unsuccessful Application for Mr. Park’s Papers — The Kingdom and City of Yàoorie and its Natives — The Sultan’s Son — Insurgents — The Sultan’s Daughters — Mischief of the Widow Zuma — Application of the Travellers to the King of Boossà — Wars in Nouffie — Provinces of Hàussa — Detention of the Travellers — The Sultan of Yàoorie — His character — Farewell visit.

With the exception of the dangerous rocks at Boossà, we are informed that, during our four days’ passage up the river, we have passed all the most difficult places in it, neither rocks nor sand-banks, it is said, being either above Yàoorie, or below Boossà. We have said nothing of the course of the river, because it is pretty well understood that this city lies nearly due north of Boossà; and also, that notwithstanding its windings and the number and variety of its channels, the Niger or Quorra flows past Boossà in a single undivided channel. In its natural bed, when uninterrupted by rocks, and other impediments, the river runs at this time of the year at the rate of between one and two miles in an hour;[34] whenever it is obstructed by them, however, the velocity of the current is considerably increased. Although during the dry season, no communication or intercourse is maintained by water between Boossà, and the countries or states lower down the river, by reason of the dangerous rocks which have been already alluded to more than once; yet in the wet season, after the ‘Malca’ (or fourteen days’ incessant rain) has set in, when all the rivers which are dry during the remainder of the year, pour their overplus into the ‘Great Father of Waters,’ as the Niger is emphatically styled, then canoes, it is said, pass to and fro, between Yàoorie, Nouffie, Boossà, and Funda. It is immediately after the ‘Malca,’ also, that the Niger, by the depth and velocity of its current, sweeps off the rank grass which springs up annually on its borders. Every rock and every low island is then completely covered, and may be passed over in canoes without difficulty, or even apprehension of danger. The enterprising Mr. Park must have had a thousand difficulties to overcome in his voyage down the Niger. It was about this time of the year that he arrived at Yàoorie, and the river, it is said, was then about the same height as it is at present. The canoe-men, who in all probability were his slaves, were said to be chained to the canoe, in order to prevent their running away; his pilot was[35] unacquainted with the river any further, and therefore he received his wages here in Yàoorie, and returned to his own country; and Mr. Park, with a companion, and three white boys, continued their journey down the Niger without any person whatever to point out the safest channel, or warn them of their danger. When the accident happened at Boossà by which they lost their lives, it is said they preferred being drowned to avoid as they imagined a more dreadful death.

Many years ago, a large boat arrived at Yàoorie on a trading voyage from Timbuctoo. Having disposed of their merchandise, the boatmen returned to their country by land, because they asserted that the exertion of working their vessel back so great a distance against the stream, was too much for them, and therefore they left it behind at Yàoorie.

Monday, June 28th.—This morning we were visited by the chief of the Arabs of this city, who (if such a title can be used with propriety) is Prime Minister to the Sultan. He is a very old man, as dark as a native; and was dressed in the costume of his countrymen, which is very becoming. His beard was long, and as white as snow, and a singular tuft of hair which was directly under the lower lip, did not look much unlike the tail of a white mouse. Though toothless,[36] the old man was yet very communicative and intelligent, and among other things he informed us that Mr. Park did not visit the city of Yàoorie, but remained in his canoe at the village where we landed yesterday, and despatched a messenger in his stead to the sultan, with a suitable present. This Arab had been sent by the sultan to the village with presents in return, and by his description of Mr. Park’s dress, he must have worn the laced tobe that we received of the King of Boossà, and which may account for the facility with which we obtained it, as well as the reluctance of the king to enter into an explanation of the manner in which his ancestor had got possession of it. Mr. Park is stated to have been drowned in this same dress. The Arab informed us, that he had in his possession a cutlass and a double-barrelled gun, which was part of Mr. Park’s present to the sultan. We expressed a wish to look at these weapons, and they were immediately sent for. The gun was very excellent, and handsomely mounted; and we offered our own fowling-piece in exchange for it, which was cheerfully agreed to, but not till after the sultan’s consent had in the first place been obtained.

Not long after the old Arab had taken his leave of us, several of his country-people of much fairer complexions, came to pay their respects; and among them was a young man named Ali, who[37] arrived in this city yesterday, in ten days from Soccatoo, having stopped to trade on the road.

The journey from hence to the city of Soccatoo, when no stoppage is made on the road, may easily be accomplished in five days only; and this is the regular time the natives take to go there. Koolfu is two days’ journey from Yàoorie. He represented himself as one of the Arabs that accompanied Major Denham, Captain Clapperton, and their party over the desert from Mourzuk, in Fezzan, to Bornou.

Last night the sultan sent us a bullock, a fine large sheep of a peculiar species, the handsomest we ever saw; a great quantity of milk, and several hundred weight of rice; and this evening we received a large turkey and a bowl of rice from the chief of the Arabs.

Tuesday, June 29th.—This evening, by desire, we went to pay our respects to the sultan. We soon arrived at the palace, which is a very large building, or rather a group of buildings inclosed by a high wall; and dismounting, we were presently conducted through a low avenue formed by pillars, which was as dark as a subterraneous passage. This led to a large square yard, which we entered and found it to communicate with the sultan’s apartments by the number of domestics that were hurrying about. Several people were sitting on the ground, but we were obliged to[38] stand a long time, during which a profound silence was preserved, and no one was polite enough to offer us a mat to sit on. At length we received a summons to advance, and were introduced into another square, very much resembling a clean farm-yard. Here we discovered the sultan sitting alone in the centre of the square, on a plain piece of carpeting, with a pillow on each side of him, and a neat brass pan in front. His appearance was not only mean, but absolutely squalid and dirty. He is a big-headed, corpulent, and jolly-looking man, well stricken in years; and though there is something harsh and forbidding in his countenance, yet he was generally smiling during the conference. The conversation commenced in the usual complimentary way; and then our object in visiting Yàoorie was briefly and indirectly hinted at. When we asked him whether he did not send a letter to the late Captain Clapperton while that officer was at Koolfu, in which he had affirmed that he had certain books and papers in his possession which belonged to Mr. Park, he appeared very much confused. After thinking and hesitating a good while, he answered with an affected laugh, ‘How do you think that I could have the books of a person that was lost at Boossà?’ and this was all he said on the subject. He subsequently wished to know the reason that Captain Clapperton refused to visit him when he[39] passed through the country; but more especially why, after his death, I had not paid him that mark of respect on my return to the coast from Soccatoo. My reply to him was, that I had been told he was the greatest monarch in the country, and therefore I should have felt ashamed to have visited him with the trifling present which I had to offer, as he might consider it an insult to his dignity. A frown of disapprobation settled on his countenance at hearing this, and he sharply rejoined, that he was perfectly well acquainted with the nature and value of the presents which had been made to the various chiefs I had visited; but that if I had nothing to offer him, it was my duty, and should have been my first care, to have paid my respects to him at Yàoorie. Here the conversation was abruptly ended; the sultan was more than half inclined to be angry with us; and we were not at all sorry to be reconducted to the open air.

Wednesday, June 30th.—This morning I carried the sultan’s present to him; but it was very coldly received. I stated, that by reason of the selfishness and bad faith of the chief at the sea side, and the length of the journey from thence, the presents we had brought from England were nearly all expended; insomuch that we found it would be impossible to reach Bornou without receiving an additional supply of goods, which in our present situation we had no opportunity of obtaining; and that this being the case, we had no[40] other resource left but to get to the salt water, when our wants would be promptly supplied. I observed that going down the river in a canoe would be the easiest and best means of effecting this object, to which the sultan replied that the price of a canoe would be a hundred dollars; but he was told that we had not property enough to purchase one. The road overland to Funda, by way of Koolfu or Guarie, was then mentioned, and the sultan promised to send us thither in two or three days. Here the conversation ended, and I took my leave.

The young Arab from Soccatoo visited us again to-day, and presented us with dried dates which he had brought from Fezzan, and a quantity of trona. Ali is a handsome and intelligent young man, and is extremely open and communicative. But all his good qualities are cast in the shade by a mean and rapacious habit of begging, which he displays in common with his countrymen who reside here, and which has disgusted and displeased us more than once. He tells us that he is on his way to Alòrie in Yarriba with goods and horses for sale; but he is suspected to be a spy sent by Bello to examine the fortifications, and ascertain the state of public feeling in the city, with intelligence of which he is to return to him.

Thursday, July 1st.—Yesterday nothing occurred worthy of observation, nor has anything taken place to-day which requires more than a[41] passing remark. The sultan sent us ten old guns to clean and repair this morning; we are unable to execute the latter part of his commands, but fortunately the mulatto who accompanied us from Badàgry is fully competent to the task, and in such cases always acts in our stead. The sultan sent for Paskoe two hours afterwards, and desired him to ask us for medicine to cure sore eyes, and complaints in the bowels. We are pestered with such applications as these all day long. Paskoe embraced the opportunity of making inquiries of the sultan concerning the lost papers of Mr. Park, as we had desired him; but he shook his head, and would say nothing about the matter, and immediately shifted the conversation to another subject. This prince assumes more consequence than any chief or monarch that we have yet seen; he never receives a visit but he exacts from the visiter the most humiliating forms of address; and even when the Arabs themselves obtain an audience, they are obliged to deliver what they have to say to him on their knees. Perhaps he expected a similar servile position from us, for such his countenance seemed to indicate, but whatever might have been his expectation, we had no notion of demeaning ourselves so grossly in his presence. Since our arrival in this city, my brother and I have been very seriously indisposed, as might be expected, for the air is humid and unwholesome,[42] being impregnated with all manner of noxious effluvia, from the swampy nature of the soil at this season of the year, and the number of large pools of impure water which exist more or less in every quarter of the town.

Friday, July 2d.—It is rather unfortunate for us, that so immense a quantity of needles was distributed through the country by the last mission; the market here is even now completely overstocked with them, so that we find it difficult to dispose of ours for a quarter of their value. In Yarriba and elsewhere, it was a general practice with us to pay the carriers of our luggage with needles only, but here we are endeavouring to dispose of them in order to purchase provisions for our people. We brought with us from England nearly a hundred thousand needles of various sizes, and amongst them was a great quantity of ‘Whitechapel sharps,’ warranted ‘superfine, and not to cut in the eye!’ Thus highly recommended, we imagined that these needles must have been excellent indeed; but what was our surprise some time ago, when a number of them which we had disposed of, was returned to us with a complaint that they were all eyeless, thus redeeming with a vengeance the pledge of the manufacturer, that they ‘would not cut in the eye.’ On an examination afterwards, we found the same fault with the remainder of the ‘Whitechapel sharps,’ so that to[43] save our credit we have been obliged to throw them away. Our best, and almost only resource, has been in the metal buttons attached to our English clothes. These, when polished brightly, look well and have completely won the people of all ranks, from the sultan to the slave, who freely offer three or four hundred cowries each for those with silver gilt, and double that sum for one with gold gilt; whereas, for a good looking-glass we can only obtain three hundred cowries. Our clothes are nearly all stripped of their buttons; and we now place our dependence for future support principally on a quantity of livery and soldiers’ buttons, which are, however, rather dull and dirty, and will require many hours’ labour before they attain any degree of brightness.

Sunday, July 4th.—Yesterday was barren of incident of any kind. To-day I visited the sultan to make a last application for Mr. Park’s papers. He would give no decisive answer; but in the course of the day, he said he would tell the chief of the Arabs everything relative to them, and would send him to us with the information. Accordingly, in the afternoon, the old man came as commanded; but instead of delivering the expected communication, he said that we should certainly inspect the books to-morrow; and in the mean time, the sultan would thank us to sell him some gunpowder, and whatever red cloth we might[44] have left. This refinement in begging, or in other words, this mean rapaciousness on the part of the sultan, was never more apparent than in this instance. He had previously requested us to sell him a quantity of beads, &c., to which he expressed a wish that we should affix our own price. We did so; but on applying for payment, he has uniformly returned for answer, that we had asked too large a sum for those articles. Notwithstanding this, we gave the Arab the powder and red cloth which he had requested in the name of his master, with a message that the sultan was at liberty to give whatever he thought proper for them. Instead, however, of returning us the money, he has kept the goods without making the slightest acknowledgment; and sent an eunuch in the evening to beg a few needles, which of course it would be impolitic to refuse.

Monday, July 5th.—It has rained very heavily all day, insomuch that on our parts we could not visit the sultan, nor could a messenger come from him to us.

Tuesday, July 6th.—This forenoon we sent Paskoe with a message to the sultan, that we earnestly wished to receive a final and decisive answer with regard to the restoration of Mr. Park’s papers, which we declared to have been the sole object of our visiting him, and that it was our desire to quit Yàoorie immediately. This bold, and to us unusual[45] language, seemed to have surprised and startled the sultan, and he instantly despatched the old Arab to inform us, that ‘he declared to G—d, in the most solemn manner, that he had never had in his possession, nor seen, any books or papers of the white travellers that perished at Boossà.’ The Arab likewise assured us that we were at liberty to proceed on our journey whenever we should think proper. Thus, notwithstanding all the false hopes which the sultan artfully held out to us, that Mr. Park’s papers were actually in his possession, his letter to Captain Clapperton, which expressly stated this to be the case, and the pitiful shuffling which he has displayed to keep us so long in suspense with respect to any true information, it appears then, without doubt, that he has not, and never has had, a single book or paper in the English language. His only motive for the dastardly conduct he has displayed, could have been neither more nor less than the hope of getting us into his power by misrepresentation and falsehood, in order to obtain some of the European articles which we had in our possession. That the sultan has succeeded so well with us has not been our fault entirely; but even now he is by no means satisfied, nor is it likely that he will be whilst we remain with him. It is a satisfaction at least for us to know that the long-sought papers are at present no where in existence.

[46]Wednesday, July 7th.—Yàoorie is a large, flourishing, and united kingdom. It is bounded on the east by Hàussa, on the west by Borgoo, on the north by Cubbie, and on the south by the kingdom of Nouffie. The crown is hereditary, and the government an absolute despotism. The former sultan was deposed by his subjects for his violent measures and general bad conduct; and the present ruler, who succeeded him, has reigned for the long period of thirty-nine years. The sultan has a strong military force, which has successfully repelled, it is said, the repeated attacks which the ever-restless Falàtahs for a number of years past made on the city and kingdom of Yàoorie; it is now employed in a remote province in quelling a rising insurrection, occasioned partly from the inability of the natives to pay their accustomed tribute, and partly from the harsh measures adopted by the sultan to compel them to do so. The city of Yàoorie is of prodigious extent, and is supposed to be as populous as any other in the whole continent, or at least that part of it which is visited by the trading Arabs. Its wall is high and very excellent, though made of clay alone, and may be between twenty and thirty miles in circuit; and it has eight vast entrance-gates or doors, which are well fortified after the manner of the country. The inhabitants manufacture a very coarse and inferior sort of gunpowder, which,[47] however, is the best, and we believe the only manufactory of the kind in this part of the country; besides which they make very neat saddles, country cloth, &c.; and they grow indigo, tobacco, onions, wheat, and different kinds of grain; and vast quantities of rice, of superior quality. The inhabitants have likewise horses, bullocks, goats, &c., but notwithstanding their industry and the advantages which they enjoy, they are very poorly clad, have little money, and are perpetually complaining of their bad condition. An indifferent market is held in the city daily under commodious sheds, in which the above articles are offered for sale.

The better sort of women, or those that can afford time and money for the purpose, wear their hair plated very ingeniously, and dyed blue with indigo; their lips are likewise stained yellow and blue, which gives them an inexpressibly odd appearance; and their eyes are blackened with powdered antimony, or something of the same nature and properties, which is imported from a place called Jacoba. This is in general use, not only here, but in every other place which we have visited.

The use of hennah is as general at Yàoorie as elsewhere; the more opulent females make use of this most beautiful dye in profusion: they simply apply the pounded leaves of this plant to the teeth, and to the finger and toe nails; for the[48] latter it is made into a kind of poultice, and in the evening is put on those parts, and remains till next morning. The poorer sort of females, however, from necessity, we suppose, rather than from inclination, make use of neither of these ornaments to enhance their natural charms; and, save tattooing, they have no personal embellishments whatever.

The sultan’s residence, as well as the houses of many of the principals inhabitants of the city, are two stories in height, having thick and clumsy stairs of clay leading to the upper apartments, which are rather lofty; and, together with rooms on the ground-floor, have door-ways sufficiently large to enable a person to enter them without putting himself to the inconvenience of stooping. The principal part of the houses are built in the circular or coozie fashion, but the inhabitants have a few square ones; and the sultan’s are of no regular form whatever. It may be considered somewhat singular that the generality of the natives of western and central, and, we believe, also of northern Africa, ‘moisten the floors of their huts and the inside of their walls with a solution of cow-dung and water, two or three times a day, or as often as they can find the materials.’ ‘Though disagreeable to the smell of an European, this keeps the interior of a dwelling as cool as it is dark.’ We should have[49] thought that Dr. Johnson, from whom this quotation is taken, was speaking of the native dwellings of this part of the world, instead of those of the East Indies, so exactly does he describe them.

Between the clusters or assemblages of huts in Yàoorie there is a considerable quantity of fertile land, which is left for cattle to graze on, or for the purposes of husbandry and agriculture.

There is a great variety of trees within the walls of the city, consisting of the lime, the palm, the mi-cadania, and the date; but the latter, though it appears very luxuriant, never was known to bear fruit. The palm tree adorns the banks of the Niger, and increases in quantity the further we advance up the river; yet that variety of it which bears the cocoa-nut is nowhere to be seen, owing, most likely, to the distance from the sea. For a reason, already given in a preceding part of this Journal, no proper estimation can be formed of the number of inhabitants which Yàoorie contains, but it is surprisingly great.

Thursday and Friday, July 8th and 9th.—During both these days we have been honoured with long visits from the sultan’s daughters, eldest son, and sister; the faces of the former are familiar, because they come to see us every day. The old Arab also visited us on Thursday morning, to pay his respects, according to his custom; but when he entered the apartment and discovered the[50] heir apparent in conversation with us, he seemed surprised and displeased, and immediately ordered the young man to quit the apartment with his suite, which was instantly obeyed by the prince, without a syllable of complaint or disapprobation at this peremptory command. We subsequently desired an explanation of such arbitrary conduct on the part of the Arab, and he informed us, in answer, that it was done in order to prevent the young man from soliciting us for poison, which he might employ in the destruction of his father’s life,—so suspicious are the sovereigns of this country of the intentions of even their own children.

The sultan has sent to inform us that he will be occupied three days in writing to the king of England an explanation of his conduct with respect to Mr. Park’s papers; and he would therefore thank us to remain in Yàoorie till the expiration of that period.

A fatàkie, which left this city for Koolfu this (Friday) morning, had orders from the sultan to return while they were on their journey; and they accordingly re-entered Yàoorie in the afternoon. It is reported that the ringleader of the insurgents in Engarski, the province in which the customary tribute was refused to be paid, left the rebels a short time ago to fight for themselves, and fled to the kingdom of Nouffie. On his arrival he besought[51] the Magīa to assist him against the soldiers of Yàoorie, and succeeded so far, that assistance was promised him by the Nouffie king; but as soon as this news had reached Engarski, the sultan’s soldiers all deserted their posts, and returned to him without delay. Both these days the men have been entering the city; and they have brought with them only between forty and fifty slaves. This is the reason that the fatàkie were stopped on their way to Koolfu; and in all probability, if the news be true, it will likewise affect our journey thither.

This evening the war-drum was sounded outside the sultan’s house; the noise of which is not peculiarly loud or dissonant, and is a much more civilized kind of sound than the startling war-cry of the people of Yarriba and Borgoo. The sultan has just sent word that he wishes to see us to-morrow morning concerning the price of the red cloth which he recently purchased of us; and at the same time he desires to see a specimen of each kind of button in our possession, because he has a great inclination to purchase a quantity, or the whole of them, for the use of himself and family. By the man that brought us this message, he sent us, for the first time, a number of goora nuts, alleging, as an excuse for not offering us any before, that he did not imagine that Christians liked them.

[52]Saturday, July 10th.—Horse-soldiers are continuing to arrive by one and two at a time from Engarski, and the dead body of one of their captains has likewise been brought into the city. This individual came by his death in rather a mysterious manner, insomuch, that the public opinion is divided on the subject; some saying that he fell by an arrow, and others asserting with equal confidence that he was poisoned by his wife, who, after the consummation of her crime, fled to the embraces of an Arab who had been her lover before her marriage with the deceased.

During the war, which has continued these four months, the loss on the part of Yàoorie has been about a half-dozen men killed, and the slaughter on the part of the rebels, it is said, has been no less. This sanguinary contest is a specimen of their warfare, so that there will never be any great danger of depopulation from foreign wars or domestic broils.

The sultan has been shut up in his house all day, and will not be spoken to, owing to the ill-success of the Engarski expedition; but though this circumstance is publicly known, the inhabitants of the city have shown no inclination to mourn with their sovereign; on the contrary, they have been employed in making a ‘berka’ (blessing) for the safe return of the warriors, and feasting, rejoicing, and merriment were freely indulged in,[53] this evening, in consequence. In the midst of their jollity, however, the people were thrown into confusion by a rumour, that the ‘clashing of arms’ was heard in Koolfu,’ or in other words, that preparations were making in that city for a great war; that Falàtahs and Nouffie men were assembling there from all quarters; and that they were on the eve of making a fierce attack either on Wowow or the metropolis of Engarski; but which of these cities is to be devoted to destruction no one can tell. Groupes of people are expressing their hopes and fears in whispers, in every part of the city.

Sunday, July 11th.—Having been sent for, I visited the sultan to-day with a piece of red cloth, two pair of scissors, a quantity of buttons, and a canister of powder. When introduced, I found him cheerful and merry, and his good humour continued throughout our interview. He observed, that the war which was just terminated had cost him a great deal of money, so that he regretted his inability to pay so large a sum for the articles as I had demanded. At length, after a little civil contention on both sides, a bargain was made, by the sultan’s agreeing to give twenty-five thousand cowries for the powder, scissors, and red cloth, and two hundred cowries for every little button that we have, which he prefers to the larger ones. Four hundred were asked;[54] but as these little buttons are the commonest sort, and have been besides much worn, I did not long hesitate in acceding to his terms. In allusion to our departure, the sultan observed, that the path was dangerous, but when the obstacles should be removed, which would doubtless be in a few days, and when his letter to the monarch of England should be written, we might quit the city without further delay, for which intelligence I thanked him and took my leave.

The sultan sent us a large ostrich a day or two ago, to look at, and subsequently offered to give it to us, but as this immense bird would require two or three men to take care of him on the road homewards, we declined to take him, and could only thank the sultan for his intended kindness.

Monday, July 12th.—Nothing of consequence has occurred to-day in the city. The greater part of the morning was employed in cleaning and polishing the buttons promised to the sultan, who had sent for them before they were finished. Two or three of his daughters are our daily visitors, and they trifle a good deal of their time away in our company. They sometimes bring with them a pleasant intoxicating liquor called ‘booza’ (a kind of beer), which they offer us to drink; but they contrive to get tipsy with it themselves. These ladies are occasionally so[55] troublesome, that we are obliged to frighten them away with our pistols.

Tuesday, July 13th.—The ‘great war,’ for which there was said to have been such mighty preparations in Nouffie, and which caused so much consternation in this city an evening or two ago, has terminated in the capture of a herd of the king of Wowow’s bullocks near the walls of his town. The plunderers, it is said, were incited to undertake this predatory excursion, by the representations of that wicked and turbulent woman, widow Zuma, through the agency of her son, who, since his elopement from Wowow, has been residing in some part of Nouffie. The widow imagined that she was not safe in Boossà, after this malicious act, and she left that city and fled to a town in the province of Engarski. But the governor refused her his protection, and sent her back again to Boossà with an escort; and the king, in all probability, will either deliver her into the hands of the monarch of Wowow, in which case she will lose her head, or he will have her severely punished at Boossà.

The sultan told us to-day in plain and decisive terms, that he can send us neither by way of Koolfu nor Guârie, because the Falàtahs, he affirms, are in both those places. He wishes, however, to be expressly understood, that it is from no disinclination on his part to send us to either[56] of those places, but that his great regard for us will not permit him to lead us into danger. Now we know very well that the Falàtahs have neither the upper hand at Koolfu nor Guarie. The natives of the latter state in particular, not long since cut off the heads of all the Falàtahs that could be found in their country, and from that time they have enjoyed the most perfect independence. The sultan of Yàoorie said further, that the best thing he could do was to send us back again to Boossà, and from thence he was sure we might have liberty to go any where. The moment we found that this was his intention, we returned to our house, and having formed our resolution, we instantly dispatched one of our men with a message to the king of Boossà, to the following effect:

‘That finding our presents insufficient to defray our expenses on the road to Guarie and Bornou, we were under the necessity of returning to the salt-water, to obtain more. That the chief of Badágry, who is governor of that part of the coast, at which we had landed, had treated us so very ill, while we were with him, that he would detain us in his town for the remainder of our lives, if we were to return by the way we had come, and by so doing that we should be unable to avoid falling into his power. Besides which, the journey thither is so long, that we should experience[57] the same, or even greater inconvenience, than if we were to proceed to Bornou through Catsheenah. Under these circumstances, we were extremely desirous of travelling to the salt-water by a shorter and safer route, and would therefore prefer going by Funda, as the easiest and likeliest means of accomplishing that end. But as we had heard that the road to that kingdom by land is infested with Falàtahs, who live by plunder and violence, we should feel infinitely obliged to him (the king of Boossà), if he could either sell or lend us a canoe to proceed thither by water; and if so, that we would remunerate him to the utmost of our ability.’

We sent away the messenger this morning on his errand, and shall await his return with considerable anxiety. If an unfavourable answer be returned, we are resolved, instead of proceeding to Boossà, to proceed on to Guarie, and thence to Funda, as we originally intended, whatever may be the consequence.

Wednesday, July 14th.—We were favoured with visits this morning from several respectable females, the wives and daughters of a number of distinguished chiefs, whom they had accompanied to the late war. The inhabitants of this place, as well as of many other towns, are of opinion that it is in our power to cure every disorder under the sun. Applications are daily made to us for medicine[58] to cure a variety of complaints; and more than one married lady has been intreating us to remove the cause of barrenness from them. Other requests, equally serious and equally absurd, have been made, with which of course it is wholly out of our power to comply; but the applicants do not readily believe our assertions, nor can we induce or compel them to leave our house till something in the shape of medicine has been given them.

Thursday, July 15th.—Falàtahs, it is said, have pillaged and burnt the city of Engarski, and taken Koolfu, so that the road to Boossà is also for the present denied us. These ‘setters up and pullers down of kings,’ for some reason, are offended with the Magīa, the present monarch of Nouffie, and have determined to appoint his elder brother, the exiled Ederesa, as ruler in his stead. Several revolutions have already taken place in Nouffie, through the instrumentality of these ambitious Falàtahs, which have all terminated in the confusion of the greater part of that distracted country, and to the advancement of their deadliest foes, who have now gained a footing in the land.

We have been repeatedly informed that Ederesa succeeded his father in the government of Nouffie, and was acknowledged their legitimate monarch by the whole nation. A rebellion, however,, headed by the Magīa, (Ederesa’s younger brother,)[59] broke out shortly after his accession; and to aid his ambitious designs upon the liberties of the people, the former made a journey to Soccatoo, to request the assistance of Bello. This wily chief eagerly seized so fair an opportunity of promoting the interests of his country, by meddling with the domestic policy of the government of Nouffie; he had wisdom enough to foresee the advantages which would in all probability accrue to him, by granting the Magīa his request, and taking him under his protection; and he immediately reinforced the rebels by a choice body of soldiers. This first civil war was not of long continuance; Ederesa’s army was defeated by the mercenary troops and their adherents; the whole country was soon overrun and subjugated by these soldiers; Ederesa was obliged to flee from his dominions, and the Magīa governed Nouffie in his stead. The chief benefits resulting to Bello from the success of the rebels, were a half-yearly tribute which the Magīa agreed to pay him, in slaves, and handsome tobes of native manufacture; and what was of more consequence, he gained a footing for his people in a flourishing and beautiful kingdom, which may be styled the granary of this part of the continent.

The Falàtah soldiers remained in Nouffie to defend and support the interests of the new king; but[60] the country did not long enjoy peace and tranquillity, for the foreigners observing their influence and numbers considerably augmenting, found occasion to quarrel with the Magīa, which was the occasion of another civil war. Turning from him whom they had elevated to the throne, they recalled Ederesa, and succeeded, after an ineffectual resistance on the part of his brother, in restoring him to the dignity, of which they themselves had so eagerly stripped him only a short time before. Ederesa subsequently formed the patriotic and laudable resolution of expelling these dangerous and intriguing strangers from his dominions; for he was convinced that his country would never be at peace whilst they were suffered to remain in it. No sooner, however, did he set about putting this project into execution, than his watchful brother raised a party in opposition to it, and the Falàtahs of course flew to his assistance. The fruit of this combination was the total defeat of the king’s party, and the re-institution of the Magīa into his former usurped rights. Meantime the Falàtahs increased fast in Nouffie, they inhabited towns which they had not built, and subsisted by the labour of others. The head of their party was a cousin of Bello, named Mallam Dendo, who resided on the banks of the Niger, in a large city of his own, which is called Rabba. He and the Magīa[61] divided the sovereignty of the kingdom between them till very recently, and remained at peace with each other; but now, they say, there has been a third quarrel, and the Falàtahs have taken possession of Koolfu, till Ederesa shall have been made acquainted with the revolution in his favour. The Magīa is too helpless and insignificant to offer the slightest resistance to this intended change in his estate, and is living in retirement at a town about a day and a half’s journey from Koolfu. These domestic broils have been very prejudicial to the interests of Nouffie, and the people greatly lament their misfortunes. The Falàtahs are the only gainers by them; they are now in actual possession of more than half of the kingdom, and have enslaved a very large portion of its industrious population. Some of the finest and most opulent of their towns have been sacked and destroyed, and others they have taken for themselves. In this distracted state of affairs, Nouffie, whose inhabitants, it is everywhere acknowledged, are the most ingenious and industrious in all these parts, is fast falling to decay, and is become a prey to all manner of abuses, and to every species of crime.

Friday, July 16th.—Although the Falàtahs have been so successful in Nouffie, and are gradually spreading themselves throughout the countries composing Western Africa, so as to be near[62] the sea, where it is the great object of their ambition to get, they have within this year or two suffered many defeats, and lost much ground in Hàussa, which is the scene of their first operations, and they are likely to lose much more. The following are the names of the kingdoms or states which form the country called Hàussa. With the exception of Kotonkora and Womba, they were all conquered by Danfodid shortly after his first appearance with the Falátahs; but those marked with an asterisk have regained their independence since his decease. That marked with an F. is now in the occupation of the conquerors; and those with F. and H. partly belong to the Falátahs and partly to the original natives. Catsheenah was the head or principal state, and all the others used to pay a small tribute to its sovereign.

1. Catsheenah, | F. H.
2. Cubbie, | *
3. Guarie, | *
4. Zumfra, | F. H.
5. Kano, | F.
6. Gober, | *
7. Kotonkora, | Natives.
8. Womba, | Natives.

Catsheenah, the capital of Hàussa, in the state or kingdom of Catsheenah, together with an insignificant town, are the only two places at present in the possession of the Falátahs in that country. Soccatoo stands on the extreme borders of Cubbie, yet it is not considered as being in that province.

The natives of Guarie lately rose simultaneously,[63] and cut off their oppressors to a man, nor has Bello yet been able to revenge their loss.

Zulamee, and other towns of consideration in Zumfra, have within these few months been retaken from the Falátahs. Properly speaking, the province of Kano is in Hàussa; but previous to its conquest by the Falátahs, it had, from time immemorial, been tributary to Bornou, so that it is considered by many as belonging to that empire. The inhabitants of the city and state of Gober, against which Bello was directing all his power at the period of Captain Clapperton’s last visit to Soccatoo, have successfully resisted every attack that has been made against them, and are now enjoying tranquillity and independence. Doncassà, who is the present king of Catsheenah, resides at a place called Maràdie.

Doncassà is the hereditary prince of Hàussa, and notwithstanding his former misfortunes and reverses, he is still very powerful, and his strength daily increases. The Sheikh of Bornou assists him with men and horses; and his son is also with him, fighting against the common enemy. Doncassà, it is said, can bring no less than forty thousand horsemen into the field at one time. Recently his military operations have been attended with better success; and Bello, despairing of vanquishing him and of subjugating the whole of his country, is turning his thoughts to the conquest[64] of Yarriba. His soldiers have already spread a panic through that kingdom, and frightened the timid natives out of two or three of their most important towns, and they will have very little difficulty in depriving them of the whole. It is said that after the rains the Falátah monarch will send a strong military force to complete the conquest of Yarriba, and that experienced captains are already nominated to accompany the expedition. In the mean time Bello is at war with Bornou and some of the states of Hàussa; and many thousands of his men, fearing no law, and having no ostensible employment, are scattered over the whole face of the country. They commit all sorts of crimes; they plunder, they burn, they destroy, and even murder, and are not amenable to any earthly tribunal for their actions.

The boasted good government of Bello does not extend beyond the precincts of Soccatoo. In other parts of his empire the civil department of his administration is most wretchedly conducted, and hence the predatory bands of Falátahs which annually go forth to ravage the country.

Saturday, July 17th.—The sultan’s daughters are very numerous; and in accordance with the usual custom of the country, we have been obliged to make them a present of a button, or a string of beads, or some such trifle. Many of these ladies[65] are not very young, for they have passed the meridian of life; but notwithstanding their seniority, they have had bitter disputes and quarrels with their sisters for the fancied better place which the latter have in our good graces, and the consequent kinder treatment which they have experienced at our hands. A breach is thus made in the affections of the royal sisters towards each other, and it may be years before domestic harmony is re-established among them. One or other of these females complains to us every day of having been engaged in wrangling or fighting with a sister, on the score of jealousy; and we are obliged to muster all our patience and condole with them in their little misfortunes, without, however, having the ability to relieve them. The Arab, who appears to be the sultan’s factotum, came to see us this morning, agreeably to his usual practice; and with joy sparkling in his countenance, he informed us that his master had been inquiring for a canoe in which we may return to Boossà. We wished to know when the sultan would be inclined to give us permission to leave Yàoorie. ‘What,’ said he, ‘is not the news I have told you sufficient for one day?’

The Arabs in this place (Yàoorie) and all those that have passed through the city since our arrival in it, who have had no connexion whatever with each other, have assured us that the Niger flows from[66] a place called Musser (query Mesr), where silks and other fine articles are manufactured, and that the natives of that country trade to Timbuctoo in large vessels, carrying thither their silks and manufactures.

We have neither been able to ascertain the European name of Musser, nor its distance from Timbuctoo; we can only learn that the space between the two cities is very great indeed.

In this part of Africa not the slightest jealousy exists in respect to the Niger or any other river, for the people cheerfully answer every inquiry concerning what they may happen to know of its course, &c.

Sunday, July 18th.—Our man has not yet returned from Boossà, and nothing has taken place to-day worthy of observation or remark.

Monday, July 19th.—The premises which we occupy are situated at the northern end of the city, and are the property of one of the sultan’s married daughters, who, with her family, accompanied her husband to the late war, and returned from thence only a few days ago.

They form a little circular enclosure of huts, one of which is two stories high; and it has the convenience of three small yards, in which is good stabling for the horses. From the distance of time which elapsed after the departure of the sultan’s warlike daughter to the period of our arrival at[67] Yàoorie, the houses had fallen fast to decay, so that when we were introduced into them, one or two of the roofs were entirely wanting, and the rain, which fell daily, was freely admitted into all the remainder for want of repair, that with two stories alone being an exception. For our own comfort, therefore, we took possession of the upper room of this hut, which is a long, narrow, and gloomy apartment, having a solid clay floor, and five or six small apertures, like pigeon-holes, for the purpose of admitting light and air.

As we have been unable, from the almost constant rain and the marshy nature of the soil of Yàoorie, to walk abroad, this room has been, in a great measure, our prison, for we have rarely stirred out of it. During the first few days and nights after our arrival we were pretty comfortable, and, every thing considered, we liked our quarters tolerably well; but an envious wind having blown a swarm of mosquitoes into our apartment, we have ever since been deprived of sleep at night. And as if this were not an evil sufficiently annoying, we are likewise visited by myriads of gnats, cockroaches, black ants, &c.; besides a number of bats, which flutter even in our faces, and cause us much uneasiness. Other descriptions of animals and insects intrude into our apartment in the night season, which however do not molest us. Under this pressure of grievances, my brother and I,[68] finding it impossible to sleep, either sit up or lie awake, and employ ourselves in doling away the long and wearisome hours of the night in chatting about indifferent matters, or in reading aloud, by lamp-light, some moral or religious work. As soon as the light or dawn of the morning penetrates our dismal chamber, our tormentors cease to molest us, and we generally find this the most favourable time for procuring a little sleep. But then the whole world is awake and abroad; and human visitors, whose society is scarcely less tolerable than the visitation of our nightly companions, intrude their unwelcome persons on our sleeping moments, and compel us to listen and answer to their vexatious nonsense. Deprived of our natural rest, the day is spent with scarcely more enjoyment than the night;—we are heavy, languid, peevish, and uncomfortable, and wholly unfit for exertion of any kind. The happy freedom from such torture as this in Old England, can only be appreciated by those who have experienced it; even an hour of such relief now would be worth more than we could express.

This forenoon our Boossà messenger returned, and, to our unspeakable joy, informed us that the king had consented to procure for us a canoe, to proceed to Funda, provided the road by land could not be depended on. He candidly stated, however, his inability to protect our persons from insult[69] and danger beyond his own territories; and that we must solicit the good-will of the prince of Wowow and the other rulers on the banks of the Niger; and further, that our own men alone must manage the canoe, because no one at Boossà would be willing, for various reasons, to accompany us in this journey. We are therefore in a fair way of accomplishing the object of the expedition; and though we are convinced that we shall be beset with dangers from the shore, yet we are in high spirits, and humbly hope that, by attending to the necessary precautions, we shall be able to overcome them.

Tuesday, July 20th.—The news of the day is very agreeable to all ranks of the good people of this city. A body of Falátahs, amounting to about two hundred in number, which left Koolfu a few days since for the purpose of attacking Engarski, or rather the remains of that body, returned yesterday morning to that town, having been completely unsuccessful in the object of their expedition, owing to the jealousy and apprehension of the rebels. It appears, that whilst they were besieging an insignificant Cumbrie town in the above province, a contagious disease broke out among them, and reduced fifty of their number to a state of the greatest misery and helplessness. The remainder, becoming alarmed at this frightful disorder, fled with the utmost precipitation, and[70] left their sick and languid companions to the mercy of their enemies, who, however, showed them none, for as soon as they became acquainted with the departure of their besiegers, a number of them came out armed, and with savage coolness deliberately cut off the heads of their helpless and prostrate foes, and immediately despatched intelligence of the bloody exploit to the sultan of Yàoorie. The road to Boossà is by this means once more declared to be open, and we shall leave hence as soon as we receive permission. The sultan has not yet paid the money he owed us, nor, since the sale of the buttons, &c., have we heard a single sentence about the matter. Our cowries, likewise, are nearly expended; and for this fortnight past we have depended for subsistence on Paskoe’s success in shooting. Happily, Guinea-fowl, of the most delicious flavour, and large doves, abound here in amazing numbers; and a large species of wild duck, besides geese, cranes, widgeons, herons, and other aquatic fowl, are most plentiful.

Wednesday, July 21st.—Last night we were visited by an awful and terrible tornado, which lasted for two or three hours. It commenced about midnight with a gust of wind which threatened to overturn our dwelling-house. Never since we have been in the country have we heard thunder so loud and tremendous, nor seen lightning[71] so excessively vivid. Our hut rocked as if it had been shaken by an earthquake, and we were in momentary apprehension of its falling with us to the ground; the tempest however became less and less violent in the midst of our fears, and soon after it ceased altogether, and an universal stillness prevailed.

Owing to the wet weather and the moist state of the atmosphere, most of our friends the sultan’s daughters have caught slight colds, and they have been very importunate to-day in their entreaties for medicine. We hardly knew what to give them to ease their complaints, and we hesitated a good deal about complying with their wishes; but as they are not very delicate ladies, being stout withal, and masculine as Hercules, we at length resolved to risk the consequences, and accordingly administered to each of them a powerful dose of jalap.

The Falátahs in Nouffie are thrown into the utmost consternation by the reported death of their chief and leader, Mallam Dendo, which is said to have taken place at Rabba two or three days ago. The deceased was much esteemed by Bello, and reverenced by his countrymen. A successor will be immediately appointed, to counteract any fresh disturbance which may take place in the country.

The sultan of this place puts off our departure from day to day, and from week to week, under a[72] variety of nonsensical excuses; and we are persuaded that it is his intention to detain us here till he has drained us of everything we have.

Monday, July 26th.—For the last five days my brother has been laid up with intermittent fever, which totally disqualified him from making the slightest exertion whatever till this morning. The sultan continuing, day after day, for so long a time to refuse his permission for us to quit Yàoorie, on grounds the most inconsistent and contradictory that can be imagined, we became rather apprehensive that he would detain us for an indefinite period—much longer indeed than might suit our convenience: but to-day, to our surprise and pleasure, a messenger from the king of Boossà arrived in this city to ascertain the reason of such unwarrantable conduct on the part of the sultan, and to request our immediate release, so that it is supposed we shall leave hence in a day or two at the latest. One of the inducements urged by this monarch for our longer stay with him, is rather whimsical. He has made us a present of a quantity of worthless feathers, which he had caused to be plucked from the body of a live ostrich; and because he entertained an opinion that if others were added to them, they would altogether form a very acceptable present to our gracious sovereign, he informed us that it would be necessary we should wait till such time as the ostrich[73] should regain its plumage, in order for that part of its body which had not been previously plucked to undergo a similar operation; for the weather, he asserted, was much too cold for the bird to lose all its feathers at one and the same time. And further, to encourage their growth, he would order that two thousand cowries worth of butter (about twelve pounds weight) should be diligently rubbed into the skin of the animal. This money has actually been deducted by the sultan, for this express purpose, from the sum which he was indebted to us, because he said he did not approve of paying for the butter from his own pocket.

When a person entertains fear or suspicion of the intentions of another towards him, it very commonly happens that every little thing which he might have heard unfavourable to the character, or prejudicial to the manners of the latter at any former period, rises fresh in his memory, though he might have taken no notice of it at the time, and leads to the establishment and confirmation of an opinion which had before been unsettled and wavering in his mind. This has been very nearly our case in regard to the sultan of Yàoorie; and owing most likely to ill health, rather than any other cause, we had not only come to a conclusion, before the arrival of the Boossà ambassador, that we were in ‘durance vile’ here, but had conceived a thousand ways and means of making our[74] escape privately from the city! The violent detention of the six Dahoman messengers within the walls of Yàoorie for a whole six months, without any cause being assigned for it, has already been alluded to in Captain Clapperton’s last narrative; and many similar injurious actions on the part of the sultan have been related to us by some of his own people. But he has been guilty of more treacherous and criminal deeds than these both to native merchants and to Arabs who have visited this city for the purposes of trade; and the following story, if it be true, argues very unfavourably for the monarch’s sentiments of feeling, honesty, and justice:—

An Arab, it is said, arrived here many years ago with three camel-loads of merchandise from Tripoli, and according to the custom of the country he displayed them all before the sultan of Yàoorie. His admiration of them was very soon raised, and he purchased the whole of the Arab’s goods on credit. The poor merchant made repeated and pressing applications for his money, but in vain; and month after month, and year after year passed away, without his ever having received a farthing, the sultan deceiving him with promises continually. The Arab became at length very uneasy at the sultan’s prevarication, and imagined that he should never receive payment for his goods. He was therefore unable to exercise[75] his forbearance any longer, but was constrained to demand of his creditor the restitution of his property, or the payment of his debt, that he might depart from the city and return to his family. But the covetous sultan pertinaciously refused his request, and sent him away with abuse; and the Arab shortly after died of a broken heart, or, as many say, of poison. He left behind him, however, at Yàoorie, his eldest son, who had accompanied his father hither from Fezzan. This person the sultan deluded with promises similar to those by which his father had been deceived; and the young man abode in the city several years in the anticipation of being able to procure the property which had devolved to him on the Arab’s decease. He also died not long ago, and the boy’s uncle (Moussa, of Koolfu), who was employed by Captain Clapperton, is now the only surviving creditor. He has sent several messengers here with the view of having the debt cancelled by the sultan; but up to this day the money has never been paid, nor have the Arab’s camels, nor any part of his property, been restored to his surviving relative.

During our own short stay, even, the sultan has been guilty of several petty offences, such as defrauding individuals of small sums, and the like; and one poor fellow, belonging to a fatàkie from Hàussa, has had the imprudence to let him have[76] some of his property, on the faith of his word, in return for which he has met with nothing but promises and refusals. The sultan did, indeed, command him to purchase whatever things he might want at the market, and refer the seller to him for payment; independent of this, as a mark of his favour, he sold the merchant one of his own bullocks, which is however found to be diseased and worth nothing. By such mean subterfuges does this great prince procure the property of others; and in this manner does he treat every merchant that may have occasion to pass through the city.

All these circumstances considered, it was with much pleasure that we received notice of the king of Boossà’s kind interposition in our behalf, which will at least accelerate our departure; for though, when soberly considered, the behaviour of the Yàoorie monarch towards us has not been on the whole unkind, forming a strange compound of generosity and meanness, yet he might have been inclined to detain us here till the only favourable moment at which we could descend the Niger should have passed away, in which case we should have to retrace our steps the way we have come without having accomplished the object for which we had left England.

We have now only to arrange matters with this singular old chieftain, which we foresee will be no very easy task. It is confidently affirmed, that a[77] canoe has been prepared for us, and two days hence, we have little doubt, permission will be granted for us to leave this city to return to Boossà.

Thursday, July 29th.—The sultan has been complaining sadly of poverty these two days, and has begged us to accept a female slave of him in lieu of the money he owed us, and which he has declared his inability to pay. We hesitated a good deal at first about the matter, but we soon felt convinced it would be useless to demur, for the sultan was fixed in his determination, and we have taken the girl, who is become Paskoe’s wife. This unpleasant affair was not settled till this morning, owing to the above cause.

We brought a quantity of new shillings with us from England, which are vastly admired by all classes of people here, on account of their shining property; and whilst the Spanish dollar sells for fifteen hundred cowries only, one of these little pieces is purchased willingly at a thousand. Each of these coins is attached to a ring, and worn on the finger of a lady as an ornament.

Yàoorie has been visited with so much rain lately, that the corn is rotting on the stalk, and it is by no means likely that the dry weather will commence for some time to come. The corn is fully ripe, and only wants a little sun to harden the grain in the ear; and the people are sorely[78] lamenting that they cannot obtain even this. Nevertheless, the rice crops look well, and promise an abundant harvest; and the onions, of which vast quantities are grown here, are also expected to produce plentifully. At present, Yàoorie is little better than a complete swamp; and, if possible, it will be worse after the malca, which is daily looked for, shall have set in.

Sunday, August 1st.—This morning the sultan sent a messenger to inform us that we were at liberty to pay our respects and take our farewell of him previous to our departure from the city, which we have been assured will take place to-morrow without any further procrastination or delay. We presently obeyed the summons, for such we considered it; and on our arrival at the sultan’s residence, we were introduced into a large, gloomy, uncomfortable apartment, wherein the monarch generally receives his more distinguished visitors. A number of naked girls and boys, his domestics, were continually passing through it to other parts of the building, carrying dirty calabashes in their hands; a quantity of swallows’ nests were attached to the ceiling of the room (for neither here nor elsewhere are these birds ever molested), and their twittering owners, which were flying about in all directions, fed their young without interruption, and added not a little filthiness to the unswept and unclean apartment. In[79] the centre and opposite the door-way, the ruler of Yàoorie was squatting on a platform, which was covered with faded damask, and smoking from a pipe of huge dimensions. On each side of him was a large pillow; and behind him, affixed to the wall, was a large square piece of ancient-looking figured silk, very rich and of various colours, with a beautiful deep fringe. It was, however, a little tarnished, owing to the length of time it has been in the sultan’s possession. This once splendid and valuable article is said to have been brought from the celebrated Musser[1], a place of which every one here speaks in the most rapturous and extravagant terms. The dress of the sultan corresponded with the dirtiness of the apartment. Just before our introduction we had been cautioned not to offer to shake hands with him, for that would be considered too familiar on our parts, and would be rejected by the monarch. Our compliments were therefore confined to simple inquiries after his health. The conversation during the interview was as uninteresting and spiritless as our conversations with other native rulers have always been—a description of one being a sample of the whole. The most important points were an urgent request on the part of the sultan for one of our lancets which he had seen, and the promise of a calabash[80] of honey, which we received in the evening. We then took our leave and returned home. Here we were soon intruded upon by the sultan’s daughters and friends, who, finding that we were actually to go on the morrow, had come to purchase buttons, beg medicine, and pay their last respects; and we were not only subjected to the most wearisome and provoking ceremonies in the world during the remainder of the Sabbath, but we were likewise compelled to be bartering and wrangling with a parcel of noisy women till sunset, when we ungallantly drove them away.

During our stay at Yàoorie, the thermometer of Fahrenheit has ranged from 75° to 94° in our dwelling.

## [81]CHAPTER X.

Leave Yàoorie — Method of watching the Corn — The Cumbrie People — their treatment — Sleeping Huts and Spear of the Cumbrie — Arrive at Warree — Garnicassa — Ignorance of the Natives concerning the course of the River — Their Amusements — Return to Boossà — Visit to Wowow recommended — The River consulted by the King of Boossà — Kings of this City — Scarcity of Provisions — Journey to Wowow — First interview with the King.

Monday, August 2d.—All was hurry, bustle, noise, and confusion, at a very early hour in the morning, in getting our things ready for starting; but in spite of our exertions we had to wait a long time outside our house, after the beasts had been laden, and our people had their burdens on their heads, for the sultan’s long-expected letter to our most gracious sovereign. A mallam was at length perceived hurrying towards us with it; and after him came, mounted on a large bony horse, and extremely well dressed in the costume of his country, the venerable Arab chief, to honour us with his company a little way on our journey. His appearance was stately and patriarchal in the extreme. But this crafty old man was not our friend, for he had used us deceitfully, and misrepresented us and our goods to his[82] master; and we had enjoyed an innocent kind of revenge, in administering to him, after repeated applications, a powerful dose of medicine, which, though harmless in its effects, had yet been very troublesome to him. Indeed it was not till we had ‘jalaped’ the sultan, his sister, and all the royal family, that we were permitted to take our farewell of Yàoorie. The city was literally covered with water on our passing through it, and the deep hollows formed by the rains were very numerous, and dangerous by being invisible; nevertheless, with care and patience, we all got outside the gates in safety.

It is pleasant, very pleasant, after an imprisonment of five weeks in a close, dark, and unwholesome chamber, subject to every kind of inconvenience and much anxiety, to be set at liberty; to know and feel that one is free; to admire again the beauties of God’s creation, and enjoy once more the cheering freshness of the country. It is only in health that such feelings can either be excited or indulged. Objects ever so charming are looked on with indifference by an invalid. For our parts, we had entered Yàoorie in sickness, and had suffered much in that city; but we left it in all the strength and vigour of health. During our residence there, the growth of vegetation had been astonishingly rapid; the face of the country wore an aspect entirely different[83] and improved; the trees and shrubs had put on a greener and lovelier ‘livery;’ the grasses, stunted as they were before for want of moisture, had sprung up to the surprising height of ten or twelve feet; and the corn and rice had grown up with no less vigour.

Owing to the reputed badness of the path, that by which we had entered Yàoorie was rejected for a more northerly one, leading in almost a direct line to the river Cubbie. About a mile or two from the walls of Yàoorie, the old Arab stopped suddenly, and we imitating his example, he offered up a short though animated Mahommedan prayer for our success, and bidding us an affectionate farewell, he turned his horse about and returned to the city. In the anticipation of journeying to Guârie, we had purchased an ass of Ali, the Arab; and this animal, as well as the horses, suffered greatly from the attacks of a species of large fly, which is to them by day what mosquitoes are to mankind by night; and this evil, combined with the ruggedness and inequality of the road, which was intercepted by deep and rapid rivulets, caused us much delay and annoyance. About mid-day we arrived at the walls of a pretty considerable town, called Guàda, and halted near a small creek of a river flowing from Cubbie, and entering the Niger a little lower down. Here, as soon as we had taken a slight refreshment, we sent our[84] beasts across the Niger to proceed by land to Boossà, and embarked in two canoes, which were each paddled by four men. These canoes are about eighteen or twenty feet long, and formed from a single log of wood, unlike those of Boossà.

When we got into the main body of the Cubbie river, the canoemen kept us exposed to the sun for a considerable time, waiting the arrival of two companions, because the men with whom we had been supplied were unable to manage both canoes by themselves. Though we entreated the four men to go a little way with us, or at least to convey us into a cool and shady place, which we pointed out to them, for protection from the sun’s rays, they would not hearken to us; we found scolding, threats, and supplication, to be all equally unavailing; they maintained the same calm, yet mortifying placidity of countenance, than which in such a case nothing can be more vexing. At length we were fain to hold our peace, and patiently resigned ourselves to the inconvenience.

The Cubbie river falls into the Niger about four miles from the creek where we had embarked; and on entering the Niger, we found it running from two to three miles an hour, and with trifling labour on the part of the canoemen, we could have journeyed very rapidly; but though we had taken on board their two companions, the whole of them were so obstinately indolent, that[85] we travelled very slowly indeed, insomuch that we did not expect to arrive at the appointed halting-place for the night. The canoes, however, were passing along almost close to the shore, and we saw a woman at the water’s edge who had a quantity of cheap country beer for sale, and thinking it might animate the men to a little more exertion, we purchased as much as they could drink, which in a few minutes completely metamorphosed them. The meekness, innocence, and composure of their listless countenances soon passed away; their heavy eyes sparkled with fire and animation; they trembled all over with anxiety to display their strength, dexterity, and vigour; and each being emulous to rival his companion, they snatched up their paddles, and by their united efforts the canoes glided through the water with inconceivable velocity, even to the danger of upsetting. Thus we proceeded down the river till the sun had set, and the moon was shining beautifully on the water, as we drew near to a small Cumbrie village on the borders of the river, where we landed and pitched our tent. The thermometer to-day has varied from 75° to 92°.

Tuesday, August 3d.—Arising at an early hour we shot a partridge and Guinea-fowl, and breakfasted in the open air, under the intense scrutiny of a hundred bright black eyes; then, striking our tent, we hastened to the canoes which we had[86] left secured, and embarked on the river while it was yet morning, and the air cool and pleasant. Though the lowering appearance of the firmament seemed to betoken a violent storm, the black clouds dispersed as the sun gathered strength, and he burst out on us, an hour after our departure, with peculiar heat and splendour.

On all the borders of the numerous branches of the river, as well as on its small islands, vast quantities of corn were growing; and it being near the time of harvest, it was nearly ripe, and waved over the water’s edge very prettily. Platforms were everywhere erected to the height of, or rather above the corn, which grows as high as ten or twelve feet. People were stationed on these to scare away the numerous flights of small birds, which do great mischief, and would, without this precaution, destroy the hopes of the cultivator. A boy or girl, and in many cases a woman with a child at her breast, and even a whole family together, we observed on the platforms, amusing themselves in this manner, without the slightest shade or covering of any kind to shelter them from the fierceness of the sunbeams. Standing erect and motionless, many of them looked like statues of black marble rather than living human beings; but others, particularly the women, disregarding their duty, were industriously employed in plaiting straw, supplying the wants of their children, manufacturing mats,[87] dressing provisions, &c. In order the more effectually to frighten away the birds, several of the watchers were furnished with slings and stones, in the use of which they seem to be very skilful; besides these, pieces of rope were fastened from the platform to a tree at some distance, to which large calabashes were suspended, with holes in them, through which sticks were passed, so that when the rope is pulled they make a loud clattering noise. The calabashes are sometimes fastened whole to the rope, containing about a handful of stones, which answer the purpose of making a noise when put in motion, as well as the sticks. To this is often added the hallooing and screaming of the watchers, which is dismal enough to frighten an evil spirit, and it rarely fails to produce the desired effect.

The inhabitants of many of the numerous walled towns and open villages on the banks of the Niger, and also of the islands, we find are for the[88] most part Cumbrie people—a poor, despised, and abused, but industrious and hard-working race. They are but too often oppressed and persecuted by their more fortunate and powerful neighbours, who affirm that they are fitted by nature only for slaves, and are therefore invariably treated by them as such.

The Cumbrie also inhabit many parts of Hàussa and other countries; they speak different languages, but they have all the same pursuits, superstitions, amusements, and peculiar manners, to which they firmly and scrupulously adhere, both in good and bad fortune, in sickness and in health, in freedom and slavery, at home and in foreign countries, notwithstanding the scorn and derision to which it subjects them; and they are known to cherish and maintain them to the end of life, with as much pertinacity as the Hebrew does his faith and national customs. Inheriting from their ancestors a peaceful, timid, passionless, incurious disposition, they fall an easy prey to all who choose to molest them; they bow their necks to the yoke of slavery without a murmur, and think it a matter of course; and perhaps no people in the world are to be found who are less susceptible of intense feeling and the finer emotions of the human mind, on being stolen away from their favourite amusements and pursuits, and from the bosom of their wives and families, than[89] these Cumbrie people, who are held in such general disesteem. Thousands of them reside in the kingdom of Yàoorie and its province of Engarski; and most of the slaves in the capital have been taken from among them.

The tribute, or rather rent which they pay to the sultan for the land they cultivate, consists of a quantity of corn, about the size of a bundle as much as a man can carry, for every plot of land, whether it be large or small. When, however, the harvest fails, they are at liberty to give a certain number of cowries in lieu of the accustomed duty of corn. If the poor have no means of paying their rent when it becomes due, the sultan immediately despatches a body of horsemen to their villages, with a command to seize and carry away as many of the people as they may think proper. It sometimes happens, however, that the sultan of Yàoorie pulls the reins of oppression with too tight a hand; and as cowards, when driven to desperation, often give specimens of extraordinary courage and resolution, so the negligent and despised Cumbrie, writhing under the lash of injuries which they have never deserved, defend themselves with extraordinary determination and bravery, and not unfrequently come off victorious from the conflict. The benefit which results to them from these advantages is an[90] exemption from the payment of rent for two or three subsequent years.

During our residence in Yàoorie, an expedition, despatched by the sultan for the above purpose, returned unsuccessful from Engarski. The most unfavourable trait in the character of the Cumbrie is the extreme dirtiness they display in their habits generally, from which not one of them appears to be free. They are generally considered good agriculturists and expert fishermen: they grow abundance of corn and onions, but a great part of the former is disposed of to the natives of Boossà and Yàoorie, to whose monarchs they are subject. Most of them are rather slovenly about their persons, and make use of few ornaments, and even these are of the commonest description. They bore immense holes in the lobe of the ear for the admission of bits of fine coloured wood; and the soft part of the septum of the nose is perforated in like manner, through which is thrust a long piece of blue glass. When the females have a mind to appear with unusual smartness and effect, a crocodile’s tooth is inserted through both lips, and projects upwards as far as the nose. These useless, unbecoming, and singular ornaments impart to the countenance an unnatural and barbarous expression, which is very far from agreeable, and produces an unpleasant[91] and painful emotion in the mind of the beholder. In our intercourse with the Cumbrie, they appeared mild, innocent, and even amiable in their manners; and they behaved to us with all the civility, hospitality, and kindness of their natures, untinctured by insincerity or lukewarmness.

The annexed sketch is a representation of the sleeping huts of these people (Cumbrie), which we alluded to on our passage up the river. The doorway, which is the only opening they have, is closed by a mat which is suspended inside. They have no steps to enter by, but scramble into it as well they can. The common coozie hut is used by them for ordinary purposes, such as cooking, &c., during the day, but never at night. These sleeping huts are about seven or eight feet wide, they are nearly circular, are made of clay, and thatched with the palm leaf; they are elevated[92] above the ground so as to secure the inmates from the annoyance of ants, snakes, and the wet ground, and even for protection from the alligators which prowl about at night in search of prey. We were informed of instances where these creatures have carried off the legs and arms of natives, who have incautiously exposed themselves to their attacks. The huts will hold about half-a-dozen people. Sometimes the pillars supporting the hut are walled round, but this is not often done, and they generally appear as in the sketch.

The natives frequently kill the alligators by means of a heavy spear about ten feet long, like the sketch. One end is furnished with a heavy piece of iron-wood to give it force, and the other with a sharp-pointed barbed iron. It is attached to the bow of their canoe by a piece of grass rope, which is fastened to the upper end, and is a formidable weapon. A smaller spear of the same description is used by these people for killing fish, in which occupation they are very expert.

As we proceeded down the Niger by a different channel from that by which we had ascended it to Yàoorie, we had fresh opportunities of remarking the more striking features on its banks. The river, as might naturally have been expected, is[93] much swollen, and its current more impetuous than when we passed up on our voyage to Yàoorie; and many of the stones and rocks which then annoyed us, are now under water, and completely hidden. In the earlier part of the evening we landed at a small Cumbrie village, and our canoes were pulled upon a sandy beach for the night in security. The thermometer has been at 95° to-day.

Wednesday, August 4th.—The inhabitants of the village wherein we slept last night had nothing to offer us to eat either then or this morning; but we had the good fortune to shoot a partridge, and we had it dressed for breakfast. But it was, like many others, a most unsavoury repast, for we had nothing to eat with it, not even a little salt; the people of the village, as well as most of their countrymen, making use of a quantity of wood-ashes instead, which contain saline particles, because salt is too expensive an article for these simple villagers to purchase for their own consumption! We had everything conveyed to the canoes at an early hour, and at seven o’clock A.M. we were once more upon the Niger. The canoemen, as well as our own people, had forecast and contrivance enough to supply themselves with a few ears of Indian corn last night, which they thought themselves warranted to pluck from a field at no great distance from their sleeping quarters;[94] yet all of them complained of hunger this morning, and left the village in a very ill humour. To satisfy their appetites, our canoes were pulled on shore repeatedly during the forenoon, for the men to steal some of the corn which overhung the margin of the river. They were, however, perceived by the more diligent of the watchers, but they did not take any measures to prevent them, because they saw that they were the sultan’s servants, and the whole of these have the privilege of stealing as much corn from the Cumbrie as they may have occasion for. One poor man had a canoe laden with new corn, which was pounced upon by these hungry plunderers, who compelled its reluctant owner to transfer it from his canoe into their own, without remunerating him in anywise for the loss he thus sustained. Another individual who happened to be in a canoe, was chased a considerable distance down the river, under the impression that he had likewise corn with him, the robbers endeavouring to palliate their conduct by saying, that as the man paid no tribute to the sultan, his effects were at all times liable to be seized. The man, however, exerted all his strength, and happily succeeded in making his escape.

About noon we observed a herd of Falátah cows grazing on the banks of the river; and in the water a little way from them, we saw an immense crocodile floating on the surface like a long canoe,[95] for which it was at first mistaken, and watching an opportunity to seize one of them and destroy it by dragging it into the river. As soon as he was perceived by the canoemen, they paddled as softly as possible towards him, intending to wait at a short distance till the crocodile should have accomplished his object, when they agreed to pull rapidly towards the shore and reap the fruits of the reptile’s amazing strength, by scaring him off from his prey, or destroying him with harpoons, for the skin of a crocodile is not considered impenetrable here. Their intentions, however, were frustrated by the sudden disappearance of the crocodile, which dived the moment he perceived the canoe so near him, making a loud plashing noise, and agitating the water in a remarkable manner in his descent. We waited in vain for him to rise again. A very short time after this the canoemen landed at Warree, which is the most celebrated market town in the dependency of Engarski, and consists of several clusters of huts encircled by a dwarf clay wall. The market is attended by many thousands of people from different parts of the country, besides Yàoorie, Boossà, and Wowow, yet nothing peculiar to Engarski is exposed for sale in it; and the cheapness at which the productions of the country are disposed of, is most likely the principal inducement for buyers to resort[96] to Warree. Vast numbers of canoes, filled with people and goods, were passing from one side of the Niger to the other during our limited stay outside the town, and the countenances of both buyers and sellers betrayed a very anxious and business-like expression. As soon as our curiosity was fully satisfied, we also crossed over to the Boossà side of the river, and landed at a small walled town called Garnicassa, which is inhabited by the Cumbrie, and situated about five miles north of the city of Boossà. At no great distance from this place, and within sight of it, all the branches of the Niger meet and form a beautiful and magnificent body of water, at least seven or eight miles in width; and it is truly astonishing what becomes of it, for at Boossà the river is no more than a stone’s throw across, and its depth is in proportion to its narrowness. But about an hour’s walk from thence, it again becomes a noble river, and maintains its width, it is said, even to Funda. This singular fact favours the opinion, that a large portion of the waters of the Niger is conveyed by subterraneous passages from the town of Garnicassa, to a few miles below Boossà.

Shortly after our arrival, when we were making some allusion to the river to one of the inhabitants, a Falátah hearing us came forward and made the extraordinary assertion, that instead of[97] running to Funda, it took a turn to the eastward, and disembogued itself into the lake Tshad in Bornou. But theories respecting the Niger are even more various and contrary in this country, than the hypotheses of the learned of Europe on the subject. Scarcely two people are to be found that agree in the same opinion, and their suppositions are not confined to the course and termination, but include also the source of this mysterious river; yet, with all their talk, it is easy to perceive that the natives are all entirely ignorant of the matter.

The earlier part of the evening, after our arrival at Garnicassa, was calm, serene, and delightful; and the silvery moon shone with unusual resplendence. It was a favourable time for the inhabitants of the town to enjoy themselves; and accordingly they were thus employed in good earnest. Singing, dancing, and music-playing, are the only divertisements with which the generality of the Cumbrie are acquainted; and though this people are even more despised than the slothful Hottentots of the southern part of the continent,—though their rights are unheeded and their liberties abused, yet these considerations do not seem to impress them with gloomy reflections; and they trifle away their leisure hours in play with as much zest and thoughtless jollity as though they were the most favoured people in the world.

[98]A sudden and confused noise of merriment awoke me from a pleasing kind of reverie in which I was indulging in the moonshine. I went out instantly to ascertain the cause of such obstreperous mirth, and discovered a number of young girls, and married women with children on their backs, dancing, singing, romping, and clapping their hands, after the manner of the country; and a group of their male relatives standing beside them as judges and spectators of their proceedings. A female would spring suddenly from amidst her companions, and after skipping and dancing with great animation till she became quite exhausted, would fall backwards into the arms of her associates, who, anxiously watching her movements, had put themselves into a suitable attitude to receive her. Another would then supply her place, and then another, till all the festive party had danced in turn; and this amusement was kept up with so much spirit, that screams of laughter and other violent tokens of delight continued as long as it lasted. The dance (if it deserve the name) commenced with the whole of the females, married and single. They first formed themselves into a circle, holding fast of each other’s arms, and then they moved round very slowly without lifting their feet from the ground. This exercise seemed to have occasioned them much exertion and difficulty, if we might be allowed[99] to judge from the violent and peculiar manner in which they shook and twisted their bodies, as well as from the failure of several of the younger girls, who were obliged to quit the ring almost as soon as it was formed. This slowness of motion was gradually succeeded by a sprightlier movement, till they ran round so swiftly, that the circle was suddenly broken, and many of the women were thrown with violence to the ground. The singing, or rather screaming, and clapping of hands, together with other noises, more vociferous and wild than these, were continued till the approach of morning, when a heavy shower drove every one home. Nothing, perhaps, in this country is more capable of producing a wild, romantic, and pleasing effect than such a spectacle as this, and at such a time. In front of us lay the celebrated Niger, reflecting from its unruffled surface the splendid canopy over our heads, with the radiant clouds of departing day. On each side of the river Nature had scattered with a lavish hand the most lovely of her gifts; and verdant trees cast their tall shadows on the water. Almost close to the place where we stood, was a circle of naked savage women, all black as a coal, who were performing the oddest antics imaginable; and still nearer stood a wild-looking group of their male companions, resting on their tall spears and participating in the frolic with all their hearts.[100] A three-cornered rush or straw hat, having a high peak, but without a brim, was the only article of dress worn by these men. Altogether, as we have already said, the scene was such as to fill the mind with the highest gratification and delight. To us it was irresistibly charming, and we contemplated it a long time with emotions of the most pleasing description.

Thursday, August 5th.—It rained incessantly till between eleven and twelve o’clock in the forenoon, when the sun made his appearance at intervals, and the weather became fine, which we promptly availed ourselves of, in pursuing our journey along the banks of the Niger to Boossà. The path was filled with water and broken up by the force of the rains. After an hour’s ride we drew near to the walls of the city, and soon arrived at the drummer’s house, which had been our former residence. Here we found the Midīki on her knees to receive and welcome us back again to Boossà in the name of the king. But we were not permitted to enter and take possession of our old apartments, for the queen conducted us to other huts, which form part of a cluster inhabited by Falátahs, and emigrants of both sexes from Yarriba and Nouffie, who are mostly slaves to the king. A quantity of milk and large calabashes of rice and fish, stewed in palm oil, were sent us a few minutes after our arrival; and[101] in the evening we were visited by the monarch, who said he had been apprehensive that we required a little repose and quietness after our journey, and therefore he did not like to intrude on us before. He expressed the pleasure he felt on seeing us again, and welcomed us with the utmost cordiality. The Midīki, who had accompanied him to our house, paid us a similar compliment. It has been told us that the drummer’s wife had excited the envy of the queen by wearing round her neck a smart gilt button which we had given her; and that this is the only reason that we are not allowed to occupy our former lodgings in her house. Yet, to be even with her fair rival, the queen had extracted from her little sheepskin box, wherein they had been confined for a quarter of a century, a small number of round and flat golden ornaments, with which she has adorned her sable bosom, and thereby totally eclipsed the transitory splendour of the button belonging to the drummer’s wife.

On our arrival at Boossà the face and hands of both my brother and self were much swollen and highly inflamed by exposure to the sun, and this circumstance, simple as it was, excited the queen’s sympathy almost to tears.

Friday, Aug. 6th.—In a conversation with the king this morning, he intimated that it would be necessary for us to visit Wowow, previous to our going to Funda, because the prince of[102] that state, he said, had already made war on Kiáma on our account, and captured a few of its people. The king had been induced, from the representations of the Midīki, who is sister to the chief of Wowow, to urge our taking this step; and as we dare not raise objections, we have promised to go thither in a day or two, although we are well aware that the little present we shall be necessitated to offer him will by no means answer his expectations. The king has himself repeated to us the promise which he made to our man, of furnishing us with a canoe sufficiently large to contain the whole of our people and ourselves, and whatever goods we may have left; and in order to bind him to his word, we have given him our tent and the horse which was lately his own; so that, deprived of these, we shall not have the means of travelling on land, and shall therefore of necessity be obliged to proceed by water. To the queen also, whose influence over the mind and actions of her husband is unbounded, we have made a present much greater than our means warranted, with which she is more than pleased. We have further endeavoured to win her favour by kindness, compliment, and flattery; and these means are the most powerful and effective in the world. The simple-hearted females of this country are quite unable to resist them. Thus far everything is favourable to our enterprise, yet doubts[103] sometimes arise in our minds; and should a canoe be denied us after all that the monarch of this place has said, we are determined, when the time draws near for our departure, to take a canoe of our own accord, and steal away from Boossà by night. ‘Falátahs,’ said the king to-day with much seriousness, ‘reside on each side of the river in considerable numbers, and I begin to fear that they will endanger your personal safety.’ ‘But,’ answers Paskoe, our interpreter, ‘Englishmen are gods of the waters, and no evil can befal them in boats, even though all Africa, or the whole world, should fight against them.’ ‘I will, however,’ said the king in reply, ‘go down and ask the becken rouah (dark or black water, which the Niger is everywhere emphatically styled) whether it will be prudent and safe for the white men to embark on it or not, and I will be sure to acquaint you and them of my success, be it good or bad.’ To-morrow morning, we understand, he intends making this singular experiment; and we have only to hope that the Niger may return him a favourable answer to his question.

To-day when we ascertained that it was the actual intention of the king to supply us with a canoe, we thought proper to present him, in the name of our sovereign, with one of those beautiful silver medals which were cast during the American war, for the purpose of distributing amongst those[104] Indian chiefs who were favourable to the English interests. A large and valuable chain of the same metal was attached to it, and nothing which we had previously given the king seemed to have pleased him so much as this medal and chain; he regarded it indeed with childish admiration. We assured him that he might now consider himself as the king of England’s most particular friend, and that he could not offer a more grateful return, than by favouring and assisting us in our plan of journeying to the salt water, by way of the Niger.

Saturday, August 7th.—Just after we had arisen this morning, the king came to us with joy beaming in his countenance, and quickly informed us that, according to his promise, he had been down to the Niger, with his mallam or priest, and that the result of his visit was highly favourable to our wishes as well as his own—‘the river having promised to conduct us in safety to its termination.’ One of our greatest apprehensions are by this means removed. He likewise observed that the canoes of the chief of Wowow were much superior to his own, and he should therefore request him to sell us a large and good one, made of a single trunk, instead of one joined in the middle, which he said would not be either so strong or so safe. We thanked him, and expressed a desire to purchase such a one as he had recommended[105] without delay, that we might have time to make whatever alterations we should deem necessary, and procure a mast, awning, sail, &c., before our departure.

Monday, August 9th.—The king told Paskoe this morning, that neither himself nor the Midīki had tasted animal food for the last three weeks, and that if we would make him a present of a guinea-fowl he would be greatly pleased, as he had been living upon fish till he was tired of it. This was jocosely spoken, and not intended for our ears, as the king subsequently informed us; but when he knew, by our compliance with his expressed wish, that Paskoe had made us acquainted with it, his delicacy was so much hurt that he was ashamed to visit us for a whole day after.

The king is one of the tallest and finest men in the country, as well as one of the most active and industrious. He is oftentimes unwell, owing, according to his own account, to having, many years ago, swallowed a quantity of poison which had been administered to him as an excellent medicine, by one who sought his destruction. Other chiefs ‘and great men,’ not only in Borgoo, but in every place that we have visited, either doze and sleep away the greatest part of their lifetime, or spend it in the most childish and frivolous pursuits; whereas his majesty of Boossà, when he is not engaged in public affairs, usefully employs[106] all his leisure hours in superintending the occupations of his household and making his own clothes. The Midīki and he have distinct establishments, divided fortunes, and separate interests; indeed, they appear to have nothing in common with each other, and yet we have never seen so friendly a couple since leaving our native country. The manners of the Africans, too, are hostile to the interest and advancement of woman, and she is very rarely indeed placed on an equality with her husband. Perhaps the prevalence of polygamy, which the religion of the people tolerates, whether Mahomedan or Pagan, is one of the chief causes of the disesteem in which females are generally held.

The kings of Boossà, as we have before had occasion to observe, have the reputation of being the greatest monarchs, next to the sovereigns of Bornou, between that empire and the sea; and this enviable distinction is acknowledged by every rival chief. Yet it cannot be owing either to their power, their state, or their opulence, for of all the Borgoo rulers, they are perhaps the poorest and feeblest. The superior dignity of the kings of Boossà, and the honour and reverence which are universally paid them, have arisen, it is said, from the respectability of their origin, for they are believed to be descendants of the oldest family in Africa, which in ancient times, long before the[107] introduction of the Mahomedan religion, was the great head of the fetísh: hence the profound respect which is yet shown them by the professors of the new faith, and those who still cling to the superstitions of the old, and the influence which they exercise as far as their name is known.

Tuesday, August 10th.—The Midīki sends us a bowl of bruised corn, boiled in water, which is called tuah, twice a-day for our people; and the king sends daily a little rice and dried fish, seasoned with pepper, salt, and palm-oil, for our own consumption. But we find this insufficient for our people, who are eight in number, and ourselves; their appetites are extremely keen. Guinea-fowl and partridges, which we used to shoot here in great quantities, and which formed the principal part of our food, are now procured with the greatest difficulty and fatigue, owing partly to the prevalence of heavy rains, which have rendered the ground soft and boggy, and partly to the surprising height and stiffness of the corn-stalks, between which these birds always shelter themselves. We are, therefore, often much perplexed about the means of procuring a meal. With buttons the market is already overstocked; they have lost all their powers to charm, because those we have heretofore sold were of inferior quality, and not new, so that they begin already to lose their polished lustre, and to look dull and black; needles are unsaleable; we have[108] disposed of all our bits of coloured cloth, and common red stuff, tea canisters, powder canisters, and almost everything indeed that would sell, reserving the very few articles of greater value which are left, for presents to the different chiefs along the banks of the Niger. Amongst other trifles disposed of were several tin-cases, which contained worthless and unpalatable portable soups, &c. These were labelled with slips of tin, which though rather dull and dirty, nevertheless attracted the admiration of many; and we have been highly diverted to see one man in particular walking at large, and strutting about with ‘Concentrated Gravy,’ stuck on his head in no less than four places. He appeared quite proud and vain of these ornaments, and was simpering with pleasure wherever he went.

Our men bear fatigue and hunger extremely well, yet when they have food in abundance, they eat, or rather devour it voraciously. One of them who has the appetite of a horse, but who is himself unconscious of it, understanding that anything bitter would sharpen this propensity, and enable him to consume a greater quantity of provisions, has been in the constant habit of swallowing the contents of every bullock’s gall-bladder he could meet with! Six such stomachs as his we have daily to satisfy, if we can; and having also two women (Paskoe’s wives) in our[109] train, we think it will be no easy matter, at a future period, to supply them even with the bare necessaries of life, more especially after our embarkation in the canoe.

Wednesday, August 11th.—By a previous intimation, we prepared ourselves early this morning to depart for Wowow; but because the road to that city was supposed to be bad, we were obliged to wait on horseback by the king’s house for a considerable time, in order that a person might be found to show us the most proper path. However, wearied with waiting, we left the city without him, and he overtook us about three or four hours after we had been on our journey. The account of the badness of the path we soon saw had not been exaggerated; it was filled with holes and pits, and overgrown with grass, so tall, that it reached far above our heads, and sprinkled a shower of water on our persons. Thorny shrubs tore our clothes and lacerated our flesh, and the branches of decayed trees, which had fallen across the pathway, made it everything but impassable; while small rivers, rushing along with the impetuosity of a torrent, and their rugged and almost perpendicular sides, conduced to render travelling dangerous and even dreadful. In crossing a large and not very rapid stream, my horse fell with me, but my brother’s refused to carry him over, and he was obliged to wade through the water, which[110] reached above his arm-pits. The bed of the stream was filled with rocks, against which he struck himself several times, and was thrown down more than once, but without doing him any injury.

A few miles from Boossà we crossed in a canoe a branch of the Niger forming a pretty little river, and running nearly west, and which is said to encompass the whole of Wowow, and to fall into the parent stream below that state. This is the river which Captain Clapperton was informed encircled the city and part of the kingdom of Boossà, whereas it takes quite an opposite direction; and where that officer supposed it returned to the Niger, it actually takes its rise. It was likewise told us, that this same river joins the Oly; and if this be the case, the principalities of Kiàma and Wowow must form an island of themselves. Between one and two o’clock in the afternoon, when the most difficult part of the journey had been accomplished, we halted at a farm belonging to the king of Boossà, for we were all excessively fatigued. Here we were regaled with parched corn and water, and refreshed ourselves further with an hour’s rest; and we again set forward with renewed spirits and additional cheerfulness, and about sunset entered a pleasant little village, encompassed with flourishing plantations of corn and yams, which was situated near[111] Mount George the Fourth. We slept here, and before we retired to rest we made an unsuccessful attempt to procure provisions for our famishing attendants, yet they had wisdom enough not to forget themselves, for they had recourse to their old expedient of pilfering Indian corn in the night time; and though a watch was kept by the inhabitants, who suspected their intentions, yet they escaped detection. Fires were made in our hut, which was very large, with branches of trees and a large trunk, and around these sat our men dressing and eating their ill-gotten food till morning. In the course of the day’s journey we observed traces of lions and elephants. The latter animals infest the woods between Boossà and Wowow in incredible numbers, and by the impressions of their feet on the pathway, their size must be prodigious.

Thursday, August 12th.—As soon as it was day, we were again on horseback, and after a very pleasant ride over an excellent footway of somewhat less than twelve miles, we entered the city of Wowow through the western entrance. Here we found ourselves on the race-course, and by desire we galloped swiftly towards the king’s residence, and fired off a couple of pistols as a signal of our arrival. He presently came out to see us; but as the messenger from Boossà was not at hand, and as it is the custom never to enter into any kind of conversation without him, the old chief awaited his coming with[112] much patience for more than half an hour, nor could we approach him during that time. Indeed no foreigner is permitted to do so, whatever may be his rank, unless in presence of the representative of the chief from whom he last came. A number of well-dressed mallams walked before the king on his coming out, and a man bearing on his shoulder a heavy sword came after them; and last of all followed a long train of his wives and children, who squatted themselves on the ground and filled up the door-way. In the wall on each side of the entrance of the town is a large niche, in one of which the king stood fixed and motionless, with his hands clasped under his tobe, and supported on his bosom; and round a pole which had been placed erect in the other niche, a naked youth had entwined his legs, remaining in breathless anxiety to be a spectator of the approaching interview. No two human beings ever bore a more striking resemblance to statues than these; the deception was indeed complete. For ourselves, we had sent our horses to graze, and sat about a dozen paces from the door-way under a large tree; the mallams were sprawling on the earth between the king and us; and at a respectful distance on each side, groups of the inhabitants had assembled to gratify their curiosity.

While the king remained in the above position without moving a single muscle, and which lasted till our messenger had made his appearance, a singing-woman[113] drew near the person of her sovereign, and began to exercise her vocation in a tone of voice that displayed anything but sweetness or melody, and so loud and shrill as to frighten away the birds from the trees near the spot. After this salutation she fell on her knees, and repeatedly threw handfuls of earth over her left shoulder down her back, &c. The Boossà messenger who had been so anxiously expected, at length arrived, and the spell which had bound every one to the spot was dissolved in a moment. We were then conducted to the king, and formally introduced to him; but the grave, eccentric old man shook hands with us without taking them from the tobe in which they had been enveloped, or even condescending to look in our faces, for he never makes it a practice to raise his head above a certain height; fearing he should discover the person to whom he may be conversing gazing full in his countenance, to which he has a very strange but unconquerable antipathy. The interview lasted but a moment, and we were hastily conducted to the house which was occupied by the late Captain Clapperton; and here we were soon visited by a number of the principal people of the city. In the course of the morning we received a quantity of eggs, milk, yams, and a fat sheep, as a present from the king.

## [114]CHAPTER XI.

Horse-racing at Wowow on the Mahometan Sabbath — Indignation of the King of Wowow against the King of Kiáma — Religious Procession of Females — Policy of the King of Wowow — Richard Lander taken ill — leaves his brother at Wowow, and returns to Boossà — Narrative of John Lander — The Blessing of the Priestess — Religious Sects — Their Creeds and Ideas of a Future State — Funeral and Marriage Ceremonies — Park’s Books — the States of Borgoo — The last of Park’s effects — Farewell to the King of Wowow — Departure — Village — Apprehensions of the Natives — the Travellers meet at Boossà.

Friday, August 13th.—To-day is the Mahomedan Sabbath, which is constantly kept as a holiday by the inhabitants for public recreations and festivities. The king’s musicians were engaged in playing a very few simple airs during the whole of the morning. For native music it was certainly excellent; elsewhere we have heard nothing equal to it, not even at Katunga, Kiàma, or Yàoorie. Boossà seems to have little music, and few amusements of any kind—no city is so dull and lifeless as that. In the evening, the weekly horse-racing commenced by a run of eight or ten ponies, as handsome as they were swift, and the competition between them was[115] most spirited. It was not till after this contest had been concluded, that the king made his appearance at the lower end of the race-course; and from thence he rode slowly towards the starting-place, preceded by singing and dancing women, who bawled and capered before him. When he came up to it he was saluted with a report from a few guns and pistols. The king was more appropriately attired, or rather his clothes seemed to sit more easily and gracefully on his person, than those of any other prince we have seen. His horse was gaily, if not richly caparisoned; it was a noble beast, and both horse and rider looked extremely well. As he passed us he neither turned his head aside nor even honoured us with a single glance, from a desire to make an impression on our minds by pomp and show, perhaps he thought it would have been degrading to have given us a familiar look.

The weather was not so favourable as could have been wished; and to this circumstance was owing the few horses, comparatively speaking, which had been brought to the sport. The horses were rode chiefly by little boys, one of whom was the king’s son: when they galloped past their sovereign, they invariably doffed their caps as a mark of respect. This race was by no means so well contested as the former, and indeed was unworthy of the name; and as soon[116] as it was over, the king returned to his residence, and his example was presently followed by the prince and the other part of his household. But all these were obliged to return by a different path, because it is against the rules of etiquette for any one of the natives to attend the footsteps of his sovereign on the celebration of any public amusement. After their departure the music ceased, and terminated the entertainments of the day.

The king’s head drummer, a little Nouffie man, came to see us this afternoon; he informed us that he was one of the followers of prince Ederesa, and had fled hither, with a host of fellow-fugitives, from the resentment of the successful Magīa and his allies, the Falàtahs. The other day, his emigrant companions divided themselves into two unequal parties: the weaker left Wowow to join the standard of the Magīa, and the stronger that of his brother Ederesa; the drummer however had preferred to remain behind and serve the king in his present capacity. He stated, in answer to our inquiries, that the Tshadda (Shary) flows into the Niger at Funda, and a regular intercourse is kept up with the natives on its banks, for the purposes of trade, by means of very large canoes. The sheikh, he said, resided very near the Tshadda, which, in Bornou, spreads into a large body of water. He further informed us, that canoes, capable of containing[117] five hundred men in each, and having ‘thatched houses’ in them, are taken to Binnie (Benin), with great quantities of cotton cloths, &c., by his countrymen, who sell them to the natives; and that Funda is very near the salt water; yet the drummer appears to know nothing of any river which runs to Bornou.

This morning, I carried the few things, which we had brought from Boossà for that purpose, to the king. The monarch appeared well pleased and cheerful, and expressed himself perfectly satisfied with the present, though in a few minutes afterwards he despatched a messenger to inquire if we had not brought any coral beads with us from England. The articles forming the present consisted of two pair of silver bracelets, a piece of coarse muslin, sufficient for a couple of turbans, a tobacco-pipe, two razors, a new gilt button, two small and inferior looking-glasses, a clasp knife, a pair of scissors, and two combs. In compliance with my request, the king informed me, that he would sell us a canoe with the greatest pleasure. He was convinced, he said, that we should return in safety to our country by way of the Niger, which did not contain a single rock from Inguâzhilligee to Funda. He had heard of the refusal of the prince of Kiàma to send us by the road of Wowow to his friend the king of Boossà, and his recommending us a path[118] through a dreary wilderness, which had caused the destruction of all our horses, and in which we ourselves had narrowly escaped with life. He had felt for us in that situation, and his heart had been touched with grief at the recital of our misfortunes. After the rains should be over, he was determined to resent the affront which had been thus offered him by the ruler of Kiàma, and make him repent his cruelty. It had been his intention, he continued, to despatch a body of soldiers for the purpose of escorting us to his city in a handsome and becoming manner, but he had been deterred from his purpose by the information which he had received of our having plenty of guns and ammunition with us, which he feared we might have employed against the escort, under the mistaken opinion of its being a band of robbers. He rejoiced, however, to see us, because it would convince his neighbours that the white men neither disliked nor despised him. ‘I am now infinitely happy,’ he concluded, ‘for surely I could not have left the world in peace if you had departed from the country without having visited the old king of Wowow.’ When this long explanation was concluded, I was permitted to take my leave. Guns were subsequently fired off in compliment of our arrival; and the king and his wives, elated with joy, passed the day in dancing, laughing, and singing.

[119]In the evening, several of their daughters favoured us with a visit; and after their departure the monarch’s brother and his friend came to pay us the compliments of the day, and salute us in the country fashion. The avoikin sullikee (king’s friend) is a very important and influential personage in Borgoo and other countries, and in point of rank is considered the second man in the empire. He transacts all the public business for the king when the latter is incapable of attending to it, from indisposition or any other accidental cause.

Saturday, August 14th.—Yesterday morning a messenger was despatched in haste to Inguâzhilligee, which is a town and ferry on the banks of the Niger, where the king’s boats are kept, to ascertain if a large canoe can be appropriated to our use, without interfering with or interrupting the business of the ferry. He returned at a late hour last night, so that we had no opportunity of speaking to him; but this morning he informed us, that we shall be able to have the best and most commodious canoe in the place, because a new canoe had very recently been made for the ferry, on account of the old one, which has since been recovered, having drifted down the river. Another individual was sent by the king this morning to settle the business about the purchase-money, but he is not expected to return from Inguâzhilligee till to-morrow.

[120]This day a long and gay procession, formed by the female followers of the ancient religion of the country, passed through the town, walking and dancing alternately, with large spreading branches of trees in their hands. The priestess, at the time we saw her, had just swallowed fetīsh-water, and was carried on the shoulders of one of the devotees, who was assisted by two female companions, supporting the trembling hands and arms of their mistress. Her body was convulsed all over, and her features shockingly distorted, whilst she stared wildly and vacantly on the troop of enthusiasts and other objects which surrounded her. The priestess was then believed to be possessed with a demon; indeed, to us they all appeared to be so, for not one of them seemed in their sober senses, so indescribably fantastic were their actions, and so unseemly did they deport themselves. A younger woman was likewise borne on the shoulders of a friend, and carried along in the same manner as her mistress but she was by no means so uncouth a figure, nor was her agitation so great as that of the priestess, by whom she was preceded. The whole of the women forming this strange procession might amount to between ninety and a hundred; they were clad in their ‘holiday best:’ their motions were regulated at times by the sound of drums and fifes, and to this music they joined their wild shrill[121] voices. They were arranged in couples, and with the branches of trees shaking in the air, presented one of the most extraordinary and grotesque spectacles that the human mind can conceive.

The king of Wowow is making new roads and repairing and widening the old ones leading to and from the city. This is the only instance we have yet seen wherein even the slightest attention has been paid by a chief to the state of the public pathway, during the whole of the journey from Badàgry to Yàoorie; and the reason urged by the ruler of this place for undertaking the business is somewhat singular, though shrewd and just. ‘If,’ says he, ‘an enemy were to come towards my gates with a hostile intention, and find the roads broken up or overgrown with weeds, would they not say among themselves, “Oh, this king of Wowow is a careless, slothful, cowardly governor; his town contains but few inhabitants, for see, the path is green and untrodden by human feet; let us go and attack it, for it will easily fall into our hands?” But,’ he continued, ‘should they find it of convenient width, smooth, and free from grass, they would immediately say,—“This road is trodden by the feet of many people; the town must be populous, strong, and flourishing, and its monarch watchful and brave; if we venture to make an assault, we foresee that we shall[122] be overpowered and slain; it is better for us all to turn back while we are yet undiscovered and unharmed, lest some evil fall upon us when it is too late to retreat.”’

Thus the talkative old king argues with his people, that they may throw off that laziness which is natural to them, and be animated to industry and labour in the common cause.

A greater quantity of yams is cultivated in the vicinity of Wowow than is grown in all the other principalities of Borgoo put together. It is a common question on the path when the natives meet a stranger, ‘What! are you going to Wowow to eat yams?’ And the King of Boossà jocosely observed to us in parting, ‘That after we had tasted of the yams of his relative, he was apprehensive we should be inclined to remain a longer period in Wowow than he had proposed, for that they were a powerful inducement.’

Rice and corn are also cultivated to an unlimited extent here, and two species of beans, so that the necessaries of life are very plentiful and cheap. Reaping has commenced, and the wet season, it is said, is nearly over. As in most other places, indigo and cotton are yearly produced at Wowow in abundance.

Sunday, August 15th.—Yesterday, and this morning, I was seized with giddiness of the head and other symptoms, which are the usual precursors[123] of fever in this country. We had left our medicine-chest behind at Boossà, and as I was apprehensive that I should be laid up in this city, if I remained in it longer, my brother agreed with me in opinion that it would be advisable for me to return without delay to Boossà, and leave him here to settle the business respecting the canoe, &c. I therefore got on horseback as soon as the vertigo had passed away, and without stopping to bid adieu to the king, immediately departed on my journey with two attendants. My brother furnished me afterwards with the following account of the events which fell under his own observation, during the time we were absent from each other.

‘A very few minutes after my brother had departed from Wowow, the prince sent me a young bullock and a number of yams; and his brother likewise presented me with a quantity of milk, rice, and a fatted goat.

‘About mid-day the female worshippers of the ancient gods, who have already been alluded to, performed a second mystical ceremony, which is enjoined by their religion, and afterwards paraded the streets in the same order as on the former occasion. When it was over and the procession had dispersed, without intimating their intention, several of them paid me a visit, attended by musicians with drums, flutes, and guitars, and a great number[124] of little boys and girls. I was sitting in a shed outside our hut at the time, with a sheet spread before me to keep off the eyes of the curious; and when it was pulled up by the priestess herself, who was fantastically dressed in man’s apparel, and when, with her large rolling eyes, and phrenzied countenance and manner, she performed her antics before me, uttering at the same time a piercing yell, more dismal than a dog’s at midnight, I started and shuddered a moment, for I was quite unprepared to witness such an object. But the poor enthusiast had no evil intention, for she fell down on her knees, gazed at me with tears in her eyes, and with a look of tenderness, held out her hand as a token of friendship, blessed me, and then arose and went out to make room for her principal attendants, who shrieked like her, and offered their hand in the same manner. Our Boossà messenger, and other individuals, who had come in before this most singular method of salutation was ended, subsequently received the benediction of the devotees, which was bestowed on them by the elder of the females. The method of doing it was novel and peculiar: in the first place the man was placed in a stooping position, the female then twisted his left arm, and pulled it over the back with all her might; it was then let go, to the great relief of the man; and she placed both her hands on his shoulders, which she pressed down with[125] great energy, muttering between her teeth during the time the blessing which he had sought; but this was so inaudible that it could not be understood. It was not the woman, said the bystanders, but a spirit within her that spoke, and that influenced her and her companions in all their actions. So the people went away confirmed in this belief, and quite happy.

‘The religion which these enthusiasts profess, and which was not long since the prevailing religion of the country, is still held in great reverence here; so much so indeed, that the king’s daughters were early initiated into its mysteries, and invariably attend the celebration of all its superstitious rites and ordinances; in fact the priestess herself is one of them. Their parent also is still favourable towards the religion of his fathers, which is blended with Arab fables and traditions (for the Mahomedan creed in its purity is unknown here), and these form the foundation and superstructure of his faith.

‘The priestess and her followers believe in the existence of a God, and a heaven wherein he resides; that this glorious and almighty Being superintends the destinies of man in this life, and in a future one rewards or punishes him according to his deserts. Yet of a hell or a place of eternal torment they have no idea whatever. The souls of good men, say they, are translated into a tranquil, happy, and beautiful region, wherein but one[126] monkey is permitted to reside, and where they remain for ever; whereas the wicked, before they can be allowed to participate in so much felicity and enjoyment, are forced to endure sorrow, pain, and punishment:—a variety of tortures is in store for them, such as scourging and beating, till it is considered sufficient punishment has been inflicted for their misdeeds, when they are exalted to a happier state of being.

‘Others, who waver between the Mahomedan religion and the ancient faith, believe that at the end of the world a voice will sound from heaven to invite all black men to the world of bliss, but that these will be too much unconcerned and too lazy to embrace the offer—a second voice will then proclaim the same invitation to white men, who will spring up with alacrity and transport, and enter the celestial regions before them with books in their hands. They profess to believe also that two men were originally created, one black and the other white, from whom the whole world is descended.

‘The professors of the ancient superstition sacrifice a bullock, a sheep, or a black goat to their divinities, but they shudder at the very idea of a human offering. Instead of agreeing with us that the world will be destroyed by fire, they suppose that its Divine Maker will roll it up like a parchment scroll, and put it aside for a future occasion.

[127]‘It is somewhat remarkable that in Hàussa the people have a tradition that the name of our great forefather was Adam (pronounced exactly in the same manner as we pronounce the word). Da Adam, in the same language, signifies an object when observed indistinctly at a distance, bearing the least resemblance to a man. The mother of the human race is called Ameenatoo, in Hàussa.

‘Monday, August 16th.—The more respectable classes of society in Wowow and Boossà, after their decease, are buried in the yard of the house in which they resided when alive; whilst the people in the common walks of life are interred in a spot of ground selected for the purpose in a thick wood, which is at some distance from the city, and answering to our own places of burial. The friends of the former, as soon as they are made acquainted with his dissolution, resort to his house, and make lamentation for him for the space of seven days, wearing during that period their very worst apparel. But the relatives of a poor man attend his remains to the burying ground, and abide in the wood till their grief is assuaged and the time of mourning expired.

‘Marriage among free people is exceedingly simple, and is attended with little mirth or festive recreation of any kind. The intended husband is allowed to have nothing to do in the affair, though it concerns him so nearly, and the parents of the[128] girl are equally out of the question. When the parties become attached to each other, the female goes immediately to acquaint her grandmother of the circumstance, and coaxes the old woman to give her consent for her to live henceforward with her suitor, for she alone has the power of giving the maiden away. If it happens, however, that she has no grandmother, the girl is at liberty to act as she pleases. Several days are always allowed for the old woman to reflect and ponder over the whole matter in her mind; and this interval is generally embraced by the man in making her trifling presents, and doing her other little acts of kindness, in the hope of gaining her over to his interests. When a free man forms an affection for a female who is a slave, and he has money sufficient for the purpose, he goes to her master, whoever he may be, unbosoms his mind to him, and informs him of his intention of taking the woman to wife, if he will give him permission. Should the owner of the girl approve of the connexion, the suitor pays him twenty thousand cowries for his consent to the match, though a smaller sum is oftentimes offered and accepted; and the object of his affections from that time becomes his spouse. Yet the children which she may bear him cannot be retained by the father, but are considered the exclusive property of the wife’s master, who lays claim to them and takes[129] them away as soon as they are able to run about. Nor does the marriage ceremony break the bonds of the woman’s slavery, for she is liable to be called upon whenever the master thinks proper, when she is obliged to serve him in the same manner as if she had remained in a single state. The union of slaves amongst each other depends entirely upon the will and pleasure of their owners.

‘A man is at liberty to return his wife to her parents at any time, and without adducing any reason for his dislike and dissatisfaction. When this is his intention, he treats his spouse with disrespect and unkindness, which she soon understands the meaning of, and of her own accord she goes back to her friends, and tells them of what has occurred. These subsequently repair in a body to the husband’s house, and question him in a formal manner whether it is his desire that his wife should continue to abide with them. If so, the connexion is forthwith dissolved, and she is again considered in the light of an unmarried woman. The children (if any) the mother is by no means permitted to take along with her, but they are left behind with their father, who delivers them over to the care of his other women.

‘The king of Wowow daily inquires after my health, and sends me a quantity of yams, milk, and eggs, every morning. Although this old chief has received a present infinitely smaller than we[130] have given any other ruler, yet his treatment of us has been more generous than that of all of them together. His brother, also, and one or two other respectable individuals, have been equally kind, and have endeavoured all in their power to render our stay among them perfectly agreeable. They expect nothing in return for their hospitality, for we have nothing but a few needles to offer them, and we have told them so again and again—nevertheless their attention and kindness do not diminish.

‘Tuesday, August 17th.—I was taken extremely unwell this morning with an indescribable and very unpleasant sensation in the head, which made me so lifeless and stupid that I could scarcely keep my eyes open for the remainder of the day, and obliged me to lie on my mat till evening, where I dozed away the hours more uncomfortably than I can describe. It is very remarkable that hitherto in the evening preceding the day on which we have been taken ill we have ever been surprisingly brisk and lively, with an unnatural flow of spirits; and we are so well aware of this that we always anticipate what is sure to follow, when we find ourselves in this merry mood, namely, an attack of illness on the ensuing morning.

‘The messenger sent by the king to procure us a canoe is not yet returned from Inguâzhilligee; another was despatched after him yesterday, and[131] this morning a third, it is said, has left the town on the same errand; so at least people have informed us. The object of the first of these men is not confined to his visiting the ferry; but if he could not meet with a canoe to his satisfaction there, he has been desired to proceed further down the Quorra until he should see one that would answer our purpose. He is also to examine and report the appearance of a reef of rocks like that at Boossà, which runs across the river below Inguâzhilligee[2], and collect monies and duties owing to his master. It is therefore not much to be wondered at that he is not yet returned to Wowow. In the evening one of our men arrived from my brother at Boossà; he informed me by letter of his convalescence, and of his intention of returning to this city yesterday, which however had been frustrated by desire of the king. The letter stated further that the Midīki would settle with her brother, the prince of Wowow, for the canoe which he has promised to sell us; and therefore that I was at liberty to take my leave of him whenever I might think proper. Also in the evening I received an intimation from the king to remain in the city till his messenger, who is hourly expected, shall have returned from the banks of the Niger. Indeed it is more than unlikely, if my present indisposition continue, that[132] I shall be able to undergo the fatigues of a journey to Boossà, for a day or two at least; so that this restraint of the King I shall scarcely feel.

‘Wednesday, August 18th.—My curiosity has again been highly and perhaps painfully excited by hearing to-day that a certain man in the town was known to have had in his possession several books which he had picked up from the Niger at the period of Mr. Park’s dissolution. As soon as I had learnt this I instantly sent to the man’s house to ascertain the truth or falsehood of the rumour, but he happened to be from home, and it was not till night, after his return from the bush, that I heard with disappointment and sorrow that the report was indeed well founded, but that the books had all been recently destroyed. The man said he had shown them to the Arabs who were in the habit of visiting the town, but they could not understand the language in which they were written, and merely conjectured that their contents related to money matters, and were therefore of no kind of use whatever to any one. Yet notwithstanding their uselessness the man is reported to have kept the books carefully concealed in his house till the arrival of Captain Clapperton at Wowow, but when he found that this officer made no inquiries for such books, he neglected to pay any further attention to them, and they were destroyed shortly after; or, to use his own words,[133] they “dropped or fell to pieces.” By the description which has been given of one of the books alluded to, I am inclined to believe that it must have been either Mr. Park’s journal, or a book of manuscripts of some sort. Thus have all our inquiries for the recovery of the lost papers of this traveller ended in disappointment: even when we had made almost sure of them, and our feelings excited to their highest pitch on more than one occasion, we have felt all the bitterness of hope suddenly extinguished.

‘A number of visiters has called to see me to-day; but owing to my indisposition I have been unable to remain in a sitting posture longer than a very few minutes at a time, and therefore these visits have been agreeably short.

‘Thursday, August 19th.—I have learned with some surprise to-day, that Boossà and Wowow are not considered as being in the empire of Borgoo, but that they actually form a separate and distinct country, where a different language is spoken, and different manners prevail. The principality of Kiàma, however, is included by the natives in the former country, but owing to the long-continued and unceasing intercourse which has been maintained between it and Boossà, &c., the original Borgoo language has given place to the Boossà and Wowow tongue; and the customs and amusements of the people likewise bear at this time so[134] great a similarity to those of their neighbours, as not to be distinguished from them. Yet a stranger can scarcely fail to remark a surprising difference between the demeanour of the more respectable inhabitants of Kiàma, and the behaviour of the same class of people at Boossà and Wowow. The former are bold, haughty, fierce, and rapacious, the latter are mild, humble, and sedate;—the former are held in no better light by merchants and traders, than a band of robbers,—whereas the latter are respected everywhere, and held in high reputation for honesty, integrity, and honour. Kiàma, it is said, formerly paid a tax to the king of Niki, but now it has sworn allegiance to the Falátahs.

‘The following is a statement of the names of the different states, which form the extensive country called Borgoo. The monarch of Niki, as a title of distinction and eminence, is styled “King or Sultan of Borgoo,” viz.:—

- 1. Niki
- 2. Buoy
- 3. Kiáma
- 4. Sandero
- 5. Kingka
- 6. Korokoo
- 7. Loogoo
- 8. Pundi

‘These follow in the order of the importance in which they are held by the people. Niki pays a small tribute to the king of Boossà as an acknowledgment of his superiority; Wowow does the same, “because,” said an intelligent man of that city, “in the beginning of the world the[135] Almighty appointed his ancestor monarch of the whole of western Africa.” The present king of Boossà is, notwithstanding, too feeble to enforce payment of this tribute: it was originally offered voluntarily, and it has been continued by courtesy to the present time, though Niki and Wowow begin to be indifferent about the matter.

‘The relative position of the five first states of Borgoo with respect to each other, may be thus expressed: the letters N, W, S, E, indicating the positions of the four cardinal points of the compass.

Buoy.
N.
Kingka W.—Niki—E. Kiama.
S.
Sandero.

‘Niki is seven days’ journey nearly west of Wowow, and the four states surrounding it as above, are each three days’ journey from it in the direction in which they are placed.

‘Korokoo is sixteen days’ journey west of Wowow.

‘Loogoo twenty days’ journey south-west of Wowow.

‘Pundi twenty days’ west of Wowow.

‘It is, however, hardly possible for a native of Wowow to give the exact situation of a country remote from his own, when it is considered that he has neither a compass, nor indeed any instrument[136] whatever to assist him in his observations, the sun alone being his guide in such cases. It is therefore likely enough that the individuals who furnished me with the preceding information might have erred, perhaps, as much as two or three points of the compass; and consequently, it would be better, instead of east, west, north, &c., to read easterly, westerly, northerly, &c.

‘Niki is the largest and most powerful of the Borgoo states. Its capital, which is extremely populous, is of the same name, and though unwalled, it is of immense extent, and said to be of equal size to the city of Yàoorie. Its monarch has a thousand horses, which are all his private property, and he is, in other respects, wealthy and affluent. His soldiers, who form a good part of the population of the capital, are reputed to be brave, bold, and enterprising men; those on foot have one side of the head shaved to distinguish them from their fellow-subjects. These are like the “half-heads” of the king of Dahomey. Niki is almost the only country in the west, against which the Falátahs have not yet dared “to lift the spear.”

‘There is reported to be not less than seventy considerable and important towns dependent on the state of Niki, all of which have several smaller towns and villages under their control and management. The chiefs of each of these[137] large towns present to their sovereign, once in their lifetime, a young and pretty woman to be his wife, by which means his seraglio is always kept full. Yet, if the girl fail to win the affections of the king, and she be not liked, or if, after she becomes his mistress, any fault is found with her, or any personal blemish or defect, she is instantly dismissed, and the chief of the town from whom she had been received, is obliged to supply her place by sending another girl. This is an odd and singular kind of tribute, but it is slight, and the inhabitants of the “seventy” pay no other. The next state in rank, extent, and importance to Niki, and the great rival to that country, is Buoy, which, like the former, has seventy towns of much consequence, that acknowledge its supremacy, and pay a tax of ladies to the monarch in something the same manner as their neighbours of Niki. There is great plenty of horses in the state of Buoy, and in Sandero; but the states of Kingha, Loogoo, and Korokoo, are destitute of a single animal of this description. With the exception of Loogoo, these latter states are said to be excessively poor, and their inhabitants to live in a pitiable state of penury and wretchedness; but the people of Loogoo have the necessaries of life in greater abundance, and they are enriched by the thousands of merchants who trade to Gonja for the goora nut, &c., and who pass annually through their country. Their chief, or king, is the[138] most opulent ruler in the whole of Borgoo, having obtained by this means more money than the monarch of Niki or Buoy ever had in his possession. Pundi was at one time a dependency of Niki, but the natives have recently thrown off the yoke, and formed themselves into an independent power; but with the acquisition of their liberty they soon lost the little sense of right and wrong which they once had, and having no leader for whom they cared, and no law which they obeyed, they threw off all manner of restraint, and from robbing each other, they turned to plundering the property of their neighbours, and waylaying every unprotected stranger or traveller that had occasion to pass through their country. The same unruly, outrageous, and turbulent spirit, and desperate conduct prevail among the natives of Pundi to the present time; and similar acts of rapacity and violence are consummated by them every day, so that their country is dreaded and shunned by every one acquainted with their character and habits. Even among their bad neighbours, these people are regarded as the worst in the world; but perhaps the fears of strangers and enemies cause them to misrepresent and exaggerate the depraved manners of the people of Pundi.

‘This evening, the king’s first messenger returned from Inguâzhilligee, and has succeeded in obtaining a large new canoe for our use, which it is[139] understood will be sent up the river to Boossà as soon as the queen shall have paid the purchase-money to her brother, the chief of Wowow. We had much rather bargain for it ourselves, but the desires of the meddling Midīki are imperious, and it would not be prudent on our part to balk her wishes.—Very unwell all day.

‘Friday, August 20th.—The widow Zuma has left a son at Wowow, who is about thirty years of age, and is suffered to reside here only because he is at variance with his captious mother, and disapproves and condemns all her measures. This young man has been a constant daily visiter to me, and brings me occasionally a dish of pounded yam and palm-oil, a few goora nuts, or some such trifle. At our request he has busied himself surprisingly in endeavouring to procure information respecting the papers of Mr. Park. Though nearly blind, Abba (for that is his name) is a handsome and intelligent young man, of an equable temper, and of a mild, modest, and amiable disposition, which has rendered him a great favourite with us. From the information with which he has supplied us, we learn that the late King of Wowow, who was father to the present ruler, became possessed of much of Mr. Park’s property, amongst which was a great quantity of guns and ammunition, particularly musket balls, which we have seen. Before this monarch’s dissolution, he left them to[140] be divided amongst his sons. Abba ascertained yesterday that a large fat woman, belonging to the king, had a great pillow which her deceased husband had snatched, amongst other things, from the Niger, near Boossà, and with which he had fled to Wowow, where he continued to reside till his death. This pillow, as it is called, had perhaps been used for a seat, for it was covered with bullock’s hide, and strengthened by ribs of iron; but the covering having been worn into holes with age and use, it was yesterday pulled to pieces by its owner, who found it to be stuffed with rags and cloth cut into small bits. In the centre of the pillow, however, to the woman’s surprise, she discovered a little bag of striped satin, and feeling something like a book, as she says within it, she was afraid to open it herself, but presently sent word to Abba of the circumstance, who forthwith came and imparted it to me, bringing the little bag along with him. On opening it I found a little iron frame, round which had been wound, with much ingenuity and care, a great quantity of cotton thread, which encompassed it perhaps not less than ten thousand times; and in consequence of its entangled state, it was provokingly troublesome to take off. Affixed to the little iron instrument, which is said to be a child’s handcuff of foreign manufacture, and underneath the cotton, was an old manuscript, which[141] according to Abba’s opinion is a native charm. But as I mistrusted his knowledge of the Arabic language, and doubted his ability to give a proper interpretation of the contents of the paper, in my own judgment, I was induced to believe it to be neither more nor less than a charm of some kind. Therefore, I purchased the manuscript, because it might be of greater consequence than I imagined, and because the bag in which it had been enveloped was of European satin, and the ink with which it had been written very different from that which is used by the Arabs, resembling our own so closely, that the difference in the colour of both cannot be distinguished. We were advised by no means to intimate to the king the nature of Abba’s inquiries, for the people are all afraid of him, and declare that if he knew of any individual that had secreted ever so trifling a part of Mr. Park’s property, he would be beheaded without mercy.

‘I felt considerably better this morning, and therefore determined to remain no longer in Wowow, but to leave as soon as my horse should be got ready. Accordingly I went to the king to pay my respects and take my farewell of him before my departure. I expressed my acknowledgments for the good reception and generous hospitality my brother and I had experienced from him and his subjects, and then requested permission to take my leave. But the monarch was unwilling[142] to part with me so easily, and detained me in his company rather longer than I liked, conversing on matters foreign to my purpose. I related to him, at his own request, an account of the power, the riches, and the glory of England, and kept him in an ecstasy and silent wonderment for some time. “Is all this true?” said the old man to Paskoe, who was at my side. “It is true,” answered Paskoe, “for I have seen it.” “Wonderful people!” said the king. We then chatted for a long time about other things. The canoe, he observed, which he had procured for us, was an excellent one; he much admired the appearance of the horse he had often seen me ride, and said that, as that animal could be of no service to us on the water, he had no objection to exchange his excellent canoe for him; and if one should be of greater value than the other, he would cheerfully give the difference in cowries, provided we would consent to the same measure if the horse was of less value. All this I told him was undoubtedly very fair, but as the Midīki herself had agreed to take all the trouble of making the bargain, it was useless on our parts to enter into any arrangements with him; indeed he was candid enough to tell me so, yet he wished to beguile the time away as well as he could, and he continued the conversation for no other purpose; whereas I was weary of it,[143] and impatient to be gone, for the sun was already high, and the day promised to be oppressively hot.

‘Before I was suffered to leave him, however, he endeavoured with energy to impress upon my mind the high sense he entertained of Europeans, who were so widely different, he said, from the Arabs; so much kinder, so much better, so much superior in every way. He loved white men of the west, because good fortune was always sure to attend their footsteps wherever they went; all lands which they had visited had been blessed in them; and he had no doubt that after our departure Wowow would be similarly favoured. He would pray to God, therefore, to prosper us in our undertaking, and he felt assured that we should reach our native country, and he should see us at Wowow again before he died. Then thanking the old king again for the various kindnesses he had shown us, and likewise for his good wishes, which I returned fourfold, we shook hands heartily, and having taken my farewell, I rode out of the city.

‘The journey was long and irksome, and the weather proved, as we had prognosticated, inexpressibly warm; but at three o’clock in the afternoon we entered and halted for awhile under a tree at a rural little village embosomed in magnificent trees, which is peopled with emigrants[144] from Nouffie, and as I was exhausted by fatigue, and too unwell to travel further, we agreed to tarry here for the night. The poor harmless villagers, loving quiet and tranquillity rather than noise and disturbance, fled some few years ago from the persecutions and exactions of the Magīa, and from all the horrors of a civil war, which was ravaging their country like a consuming fire, and desolating all the most beautiful of her provinces, and sought refuge in this peaceful village, which lies in one of the most sequestered vallies in the world. They have now sons and daughters, who seem to enjoy with them the delights of privacy and retirement which they had been so solicitous to obtain; for here these simple blessings are in their fullest perfection. They seldom see the face of a stranger, because their hamlet is situated at a good distance from the road-side, and because the way to it from thence is dark, difficult, and lonely; nevertheless a traveller sometimes strays to their dwellings, and when that is the case they receive him with hospitality, and endeavour to make him comfortable by kindness. A river flows near the village, which is said to be full of fish, and this is a source of employment to some of its inhabitants, and of advantage to all. The men are not only skilful fishermen, but they understand husbandry as well as their neighbours; they cultivate[145] large quantities of grain, and grow beans, indigo, and yams in abundance. They likewise keep poultry, and have flocks of sheep and goats: so that though their dress be poor and mean, yet they are rich as regards the necessaries of life, and have the means of enjoying a few of what are considered in this country as its luxuries.

‘In the evening, when the sun was going down, and when the birds, recovering from the sultry heat of the day, had begun to warble in the coolness of evening, the elders of the village assembled under the spreading branches of a noble tree to spend an hour or two in familiar chat, in pursuance of their common practice. To promote their cheerfulness and assist their conversation, large calabashes of strong home-brewed beer were placed by the side of them. Having swallowed two or three large draughts, the old men drew close to each other, and the venerable chronicler of the hamlet, in an under tone, started a conversation respecting their guest, the fearful white man of the west; and various and horrible were the conjectures of each on the cannibalism of his countrymen; their mysterious supernatural powers, and their partiality for the blood of black men in particular. Their conversation became more serious as the beer begun to operate on the old men, and as the dusk of evening came on, they drew still closer together; their legs, which had before been[146] stretched out carelessly and comfortably at full length on the ground, were now gathered up under them; and every now and then they ventured to look back over their shoulders to steal a glance at me, for I was not far off, but this only seemed to inspire them with greater fear than before. The younger natives were about this time returning to the village from their usual occupations by the river side, and in the fields, and they stopped to join the company of the old men. The latter were almost naked, and the young men and girls were perfectly so, as well as the children of both sexes, which had been attracted to the party, and stood listening to the tales of horror which were related. One of our men had been sitting all the while with them, partaking of their beer, and had been silent till he conceived it almost time to retire, when he endeavoured to undeceive them in regard to their opinion of the unnatural propensities of white men, and to overthrow all the visions of bloody adventures which they had imbibed in their infancy, and cherished in their old age, and which had this evening been strengthened almost to realities by my presence, assisted by the effects of the beer they had drunk. But their love for the marvellous could not so easily be eradicated from their minds, and they turned a deaf ear to his remarks. The children shunned my hut as if it contained a serpent or a scorpion, and one or two[147] of them that met me by accident, started, then looked anxiously, eagerly, and entreatingly at me for a moment, as if overcome by terror, and then shrieked aloud and ran away.

‘The elderly men of the village perform no manner of work, but reserve it for their children and grand-children, who labour for them without reluctance. The former lounge away their existence chiefly under the large tree above-mentioned, where they may be seen at all hours of a fine day, sitting in a group, the very picture of indolence, ease, peace, and comfort, and where they chat away the hours as thoughtlessly as if they were to live in this world for ever. They have no troubles, no difficulties, and no cares to interrupt their enjoyment. With what tranquillity and happiness does their life pass away! How smoothly and serenely do they go down to the grave!

‘Saturday, August 21st.—We breakfasted early this morning on a cold fowl and yam, which was last night sent me by a blacksmith; but we found it impossible to leave the village as early as could have been wished, owing to a heavy shower which was falling. As soon as the rain had ceased, we set out on our journey. Four men, sent by the king of Wowow, and three other individuals, amongst whom was his brother, accompanied us to Boossâ for eye-water, which they had induced us to promise them by their importunities and solicitations.[148] Another man was in our train, who was the bearer of a present from the king of Wowow to his sister, the queen of Boossà. This present consisted of seven or eight yams, which are just the value of double the number of kidney potatoes in England! Thus attended we journeyed to the river side, which is only a short distance from the village. A large quantity of fish had just been inclosed, which was announced by loud drumming from the fishermen, as a signal to their companions at the hamlet to come and assist in securing them. The river happened to be rather shallow, but it was interspersed with dark projecting rocks, that would render it impossible for any one to proceed even in a canoe either up or down the stream; yet we crossed it with little or no difficulty.

‘We found the road to be overgrown with rank grass and luxuriant vegetation, and so intricate, that we were obliged to travel very slowly, and my horse stumbled and fell with me repeatedly. In crossing the next river, where there is a ferry, for the first time since we have been in Africa, we saw a mother beating her child very unmercifully. The woman was wild with passion, but we succeeded in reconciling her to the object of her cruelty. Between eleven and twelve o’clock we came in sight of the walls of Boossà; it was raining, and one of our men, who had been sent by my brother for that purpose, met us on the road with a change of[149] apparel for myself. I was rejoiced to find my brother perfectly recovered from his indisposition, and we felt as much pleasure in the meeting as friends that had long parted. On my entrance he was busily engaged in making preparations for our voyage down the Niger. The king of Boossà’s messenger is expected here in a day or two, when we hope and expect that everything will be settled to our satisfaction.’

## [150]CHAPTER XII.

Scandal of the Natives — Treaty for a Canoe — Defeats of the Falátahs at Catsheenah and Zaria — Measures of the King of Boossà for the future safety of the Travellers — Artifices for obtaining Presents from them — Preparations for Celebrating the Mahomedan Festival — The King’s Drummer — The Horse Race, and the King’s Speech — A troublesome Servant — Festivities at Boossà — The Eclipse — Version of it by the Arab Priests — Effects on the People — Messengers from Borgoo — Caffas — Mode of Preparing them — Arrival of a Fatakie — The Ashantees’ method of killing Elephants — Married Slaves — Their Treatment — Permission for Departure requested — El Kanemee the Arab — The King assents to the Travellers leaving Boossà — The Messenger from Rabba with the King’s Son — Joy of the King of Boossà at his arrival — Opinion of his general conduct towards the Travellers.

Monday, August 23rd.—It was the earnest and oft-repeated desire of the chief of Wowow, while we resided in his town, that we should return from Boossà and spend the approaching holiday with him, to which we thought proper to accede; indeed the old man had behaved so well to us, that we did not like to make him an ungrateful return. But his sister, the Midīki, is already jealous of her brother, because, perhaps, we have given him so good a character, and she says that she is apprehensive[151] he may procure from us more than she is willing that he should have; and so she has not only set her husband’s mind against the measure, but she has slandered and defamed the character of her brother to us most shamefully.

This is positively the worst trait in the character of the queen, for in other respects she is an amiable good kind of woman enough. In more civilized, or rather more polished countries, among the reasonable part of mankind, a mutual interchange of benevolent intentions produces a reciprocity of kind feeling, and we would hope that the present of yams from her brother would excite the Midīki’s more generous and affectionate sentiments for him. Yet this despicable vice of slander is universal in Africa; the people all speak ill of each other, from the monarch to the slave. We shall now be compelled to remain in Boossà, till the period arrives for our final departure from the country.

This afternoon the expected messenger arrived from Wowow, with full power to treat with the Midīki for the purchase of our canoe; and though we are the parties most concerned in this business, we are allowed to say nothing at all about it. We have just learnt that the bargain has been concluded; we are to give both our horses for the canoe; and if the king of Wowow should fancy the animals to be more than equivalent to the[152] value of the boat, he has promised to send us the balance in money (cowries). This is infinitely better than we could have done ourselves; we should not have contrived matters half so well, for the youngest of the horses we had previously made a present of to the king of Boossà, but most likely, owing to Paskoe’s misrepresentation, or misinterpretation, the monarch was not made sensible of the circumstance. The canoe will be sent here in a day or two, when we shall begin to prepare her for the water without delay. Our men have made an attempt to drive the bullock, which was given us by the king of Wowow, from that city to Boossà, no less than four different times, but each time the ungovernable and furious animal has broken its ropes, gored the people and returned to Wowow. As we have no means of preserving its flesh, should we slaughter the bullock before we leave, we intend to sell it here, if by any means it can be brought into the town.

Tuesday, August 24th.—Accounts have reached Boossà of the total discomfiture of the Falátahs in the kingdom of Catsheenah, where, it is said, there has lately been much fighting; and that every Falátah has been expelled from the city of Catsheenah, which had been occupied by that singular people, ever since the first successes of their prophet and general, Danfodio. Doncassà, who is the true and legitimate king of Hàussa, has been[153] solicited to quit Màradie, wherein he has resided for many years, and invited to return to his ancient capital.

The reverses of the Falátahs have not ended here, for the people of the little but fertile kingdom of Zaria, of which Zeg Zeg is the capital, have also, with the assistance of the Bornouese, risen against their conquerors, defeated them in two or three engagements, driven out the Falátahs, and returned to the allegiance of their own native Prince, who was formerly, and will be again, tributary to the sheikh of Bornou. Zaria is not in Hàussa, but adjoins that country; the natives also have a different language from the people of Hàussa. It appears that the faith and confidence which the Falátahs had in the prophetic mission of Danfodio, and which infused in them a degree of boldness, courage, and impetuosity, which is not natural to their dispositions, has not been extended to Bello, his son and successor, and to this is attributed the serious reverses and defeats which they have lately experienced; for though they considered themselves invincible, they are constitutionally as spiritless and cowardly in war, and as indolent in peace, as the original inhabitants.

The sheikh of Bornou has recently issued a proclamation, that no slaves from the interior countries are to be sent for sale farther west than Wowow, so that none will be sent in future from[154] thence to the sea-side. The greatest and most profitable market for slaves is said to be at Timbuctoo, whither their owners at present transport them to sell to the Arabs, who take them over the deserts of Zahara and Libya, to resell in the Barbary states. An Arab has informed us that many of his countrymen trade as far as Turkey in Europe, with their slaves, where they dispose of them for two hundred and fifty dollars each.

Wednesday, Aug. 25th.—We despatched one of our men, named Ibrahim, this morning, to Coulfò, with our ass, and a quantity of needles to sell. With him the king has sent a messenger, who has been commissioned to visit all the towns and villages on the Nouffie side of the Quorra, as far as the Falátah town of Rabba, and to request their chiefs and governors, in the name of the king of Boossà, to suffer us to pass down the river without inquiry or molestation.

Rabba is reported to be four days’ journey from hence by water, and seven by land. It is said to be a fine handsome town, whose inhabitants are rich, numerous, and powerful, and that it is embellished all round with a vast quantity of graceful palm-trees. Indeed, all the palm-oil which is used in this country is brought from thence; and European salt is brought from towns a little farther down the Niger, so that Rabba cannot be a great way from the sea. The old Prince of[155] Wowow intends following the example of the king of this place, by despatching a messenger as far down the Yarriba side of the river as he is acquainted with. Should any of the chiefs be averse to our travelling by water through their territories, they may have it in their power to annoy us and impede our progress, but if the measure should please them, they will be able to render us the most essential service. The Falátahs will be the most difficult people to deal with; they never approve of a foreigner or stranger of consequence coming into their dominions, unless he consent to visit their monarch at Soccatoo. We intended passing Rabba by night and so avoid meeting with any of its inhabitants; but now, as they will receive intelligence of the exact period of our departure from Boossà, and our consequent approach to their town, it is useless to think of shunning them. We never dreamt of requesting such a thing from the king; in fact it met with our decided disapprobation; but he would not listen to our objections, and observed that no exertion should be spared on his part to ensure our safety and promote our intentions, which he could not promise before he had officially acquainted the different chiefs on the banks of the river that the white men were under his protection, and had set out under his auspices, and therefore he hoped and believed, that our persons[156] would be respected, and our property and people held sacred by them all. The messenger is not expected to return for a fortnight, for the journey is long and disagreeable; but whether we shall be obliged to wait till he comes back, we have not yet ascertained.

Friday, August 27th.—This forenoon we sent Paskoe’s wife to the king for the favour of a little unadulterated salt, because there is such a great quantity of ashes and other spurious ingredients mixed up with that which is publicly sold in the market, that we could never eat it with pleasure. Both king and queen embraced the opportunity of admiring the shape and beauty of the salt-box, and spoke in rapturous terms of the lustre of its appearance, and the ingenuity of its contrivance. ‘Alla, how wonderful!’ said they; ‘even the most trifling articles belonging to the white men are fit for the use of the mightiest kings. Alas! Alla has given them all the glory and riches of the world, and its knowledge, and left none whatever for black men!’

The king was affected! He thrust the vessel into the pocket of his tobe, smoothed it down with his hand, looked melancholy, and said: ‘How nicely it fits! what a beautiful thing! how convenient it would be in travelling.’ He then took it out again, turned it round and round, opened and shut it repeatedly, and then bestowing[157] on it a last commendation, as outrageously as any of the former, it was returned to us filled with genuine salt. Who could not understand the meaning of all this? Now this handsome salt-cellar is of latten, and was formerly a common round tinder-box; and because we had nothing better for the purpose, we deprived it of the candlestick on its cover a short time ago, and converted it to its present use. The tin, moreover, has been burnt off from many parts of it, and Paskoe’s wife not being an admirer of cleanliness, it has lost much of its original brightness. The king’s encomiums were therefore nothing more than an indirect and ingenious solicitation of the article for his own use, which was further apparent by desiring the woman to relate to us no part of the conversation that had passed between them, or in other words, that she should tell us every syllable. We could not help admiring the delicacy of the king, and sent back the tinder-box to him immediately. The bearer was rewarded handsomely for her trouble, and we received as many thanks as when he accepted the silver medal and chain which we had offered him.

It is by such means as this that the chiefs and rulers of this country, ashamed of making a direct application for anything in our possession to which they may have taken a fancy, endeavour to obtain it. If, however, the hint does[158] not succeed in making a visible impression, less delicate measures are presently resorted to; and, when every other expedient fails, they cast aside the reserve and bashfulness which had influenced them at first, and express their meaning in language which cannot be misunderstood. In this respect the chiefs and governors are all alike from Badagry to the metropolis of Yàoorie.

Tuesday, August 31st.—A messenger with a canoe arrived to-day from the king of Wowow, but it is so very small that it is wholly inadequate for our purpose. This is a most provoking circumstance, because a larger canoe must be procured, and this will occasion much loss of time. Between the chief of Wowow and his sister, the Midīki, we have been completely taken in. Boats of a considerable size, are kept, it is said, at a small town on the banks of the Niger, called Lever, and thither we have resolved to proceed as soon as the Boossà messenger shall have returned from Rabba, and get a canoe prepared with as much expedition as possible. The horses given in exchange to the prince of Wowow are large, handsome, and superior animals, worth in England at least sixty pounds, and their value here is little less; yet this canoe, which has been sent us is scarcely worth as many pence. There is infinitely more difficulty, and greater bustle and discussion in simply purchasing a canoe here, than[159] there would be in Europe in drawing up a treaty of peace, or in determining the boundaries of an empire, such vast importance do the people attach to the most trifling matters in the world.

A man also arrived in this city to-day from a town near Jenna, in Yarriba, whither the king had sent him some time since. He reports that a vessel has lately arrived at Badágry, and by the man’s account, she is in all probability a slaver either from the Havana, or from the Brazils.

This is the eve of the much talked of Mahomedan festival, and the inhabitants of the neighbouring towns and villages, resolving to enjoy themselves in the holidays, are already resorting here in great numbers. The disposition of every one appears to be softened into good nature, by the bare anticipation of the festival, and joy beams from their countenances. The very dogs, which at other times receive unkind treatment, and are always badly used, now run about wagging their tails with an air of cheerfulness and courage which they assume only on such important occasions as these, for they are days of grace and respite to them, poor brutes. Men and women, elated with the thoughts of the pleasure which awaits them to-morrow, are enjoying themselves in singing and dancing, and are seen talking and laughing in every corner; while the younger children, quite naked, are as frolicsome[160] as their grandmothers, and are either rolling on the ground or skipping along the turf like ‘little playful fawns.’ On this extraordinary and momentous occasion, a bullock nearly half grown has been slaughtered by the Midīki, to supply the wants of the good people of Boossà, and those of a great influx of strangers and visiters, so that every one who can afford it may buy and eat. There has been also in the market a more than usual quantity of corn and rice,—indeed nothing is wanting to please the taste, and satisfy the appetite of all, and to render the festivities and rejoicings complete.

A circumstance, however, occurred this morning, which threw a damp and chill on the spirits of the king, and threatened to turn a day of gaiety and enjoyment into one of mourning and sorrow. It appears that a few weeks since, our quondam host, the drummer, was guilty of criminal conversation with the wife of the king’s eldest son, who is governor of a town a few miles from Boossà, and since the affair happened, he has not visited the city till to-day. Nothing would either have been said or done to the drummer by way of censure or punishment, if he had not, like rakes of whiter faces, boasted of his gallantry, and spoken in disrespectful terms of his paramour. When this had reached the ears of the elderly females of the town, in order[161] to vindicate the honour of their sex, and chastise the calumniator, they arose in a body, waylaid the unfortunate musician, and applied their hands and fists so vigorously to his face and person, that he will remember the drubbing as long as he lives. On the arrival of the prince to-day, he sought the drummer to slay him, for he felt his character injured and his honour tarnished; and therefore commanded his attendants to lay violent hands upon him the moment they could find him. Now the drummer had recovered from the effects of the women’s punishment, and was exercising his profession outside the king’s house, totally absorbed in the inspiring music of his instrument, when by the sudden appearance of the prince before him, he started as though he had been in the folds of a serpent. He was self-convicted, and trembled with fear; he knew and felt that no time was to be lost, so uttering a faint cry, he sprang from the spot, fled from the presence of his enemy, drum and all, and ran with astonishing celerity towards a corn-field, where he endeavoured to elude the vigilance of his pursuers. But his instrument was large and clumsy, and becoming entangled in the corn-stocks, he was confused and perplexed, and lost much time in casting it from him. Meantime he was chased by the prince’s servants, who were all armed with large heavy bludgeons, and by them he was soon[162] overtaken. These applied their weapons with such good heart, and so effectually, on the person of the licentious, sinful drummer, that his head was broken, his countenance disfigured, his hands and arms rendered powerless, and the other parts of his body almost pommelled to a mummy. When they were tired of their task, the men desisted from further punishment; and the drummer, covered with blood, by the assistance of people that were passing near at the time, dragged his limbs after him to the king’s house. Here he made a long and grievous complaint to his master, who compassionated the musician, and was so infuriated against his son, that he commanded his servants to behead him instantly. The monarch, however, was restrained from repeating this sanguinary mandate by the supplications of his principal people, who had sided with the prince, and now attempted to justify his conduct, and together with every woman in the place, more especially his own wife, declared that the drummer richly deserved the chastisement which he had received. The wounded man refused at first to be comforted, but he was at length appeased by the condolence and encouraging words of the king, who has made him a present of a handsome tobe; and thus the affair was compromised, and joy again reigned in Boossà.

Wednesday, September 1st.—Day was drawing[163] to a close, and evening fast approaching, when the king came out of his residence to show himself to his people. He was attended by a number of his head men, with whom he perambulated the town; and afterwards proceeded outside the gates to offer up a short prayer with them to the gods of his religion, for he is still a pagan, as all his fathers were, though he employs Mahomedan priests to pray for his welfare, and intercede with their prophet in his behalf, agreeably to their form of worship. Several musicians were in attendance with drums, fifes, and long Arab trumpets of brass; these men preceded their sovereign, and played lustily on their instruments all the while he was returning to his house. He shortly came out again, and rode slowly up the race-course, attended by people of both sexes most uncouthly dressed, singing and dancing before him, and followed by a party of well-dressed men mounted on mettlesome horses, and equipped as if for war. On our saluting him, the monarch stopped and sent us a goora-nut, which, on such an occasion as this, is considered as a mark of great condescension, and a sign of peculiar favour; and he stayed opposite us at least ten minutes, to give us a fair opportunity of admiring his grandeur, and diverting ourselves by the frolicsome gambols of his attendants. Smiling at our wonderment, and gratified with the respect we paid him by discharging[164] our pistols close to his person, he nodded and passed on. The king was mounted on a fine handsome grey horse, sumptuously caparisoned; while he himself is a noble and commanding figure on horseback, and was dressed extremely well, in a red cap and large turban of the same colour, a silk damask tobe of green and crimson, made full and flowing, red cloth trousers and Arab boots. Groups of well-dressed individuals were scaled under every tree with spears, quivers of arrows, long bows, and ornamented cows’ tails. These latter were flourished about as the people sang; their owners threw them high into the air, and danced at the same time in the most extraordinary manner, and flung their limbs about as though they had been actuated by a supernatural power. Every one was exhilarated and in motion,—both horseman and footman, woman and child. The musicians also, not satisfied by making the whole of Boossà echo with the most grating and outrageous sounds conceivable, both sung, or rather screamed and danced, twisting their mouths, with their exertions, into all manner of wry and comical shapes. The spectacle altogether was odd and grotesque beyond description, and such an one could never enter into the dreams or waking visions of an European. Guns were fired by the king’s followers, and other obstreperous and astounding noises were made by the people.[165] Never did we see the king in a happier mood; his satisfaction seemed to be quite complete. He smiled graciously on all around him; and bestowed many an arch and significant look upon us, as if he would have said, ‘Can your sovereign boast so splendid a retinue as mine, or display so much regal splendour?’

The ceremony was long and fatiguing; and though the king was screened from the sun’s rays by two large ponderous umbrellas, and though two men were standing by, constantly fanning him, yet perspiration stood in large drops upon his forehead, and he appeared nearly exhausted. After our curiosity had been amply gratified, the king rode away, preceded by his singing and dancing women, his musicians, his bowmen, and his spearmen, with all their noise and clamour, and instantly began to make preparations for a horse-race. The course was short, rough, and uneven, and the competition between the riders by no means animated. Indeed the race was of short duration, and very inferior to the horse-racing of either Kiáma or Wowow. The king is a graceful rider, and displayed his horsemanship to much advantage by galloping up and down the course; and, owing to his advantageous stature, his appearance was very becoming. The sun was then setting, and as soon as he had disappeared, the amusements ceased. The people, both strangers and inhabitants, were then collected[166] together before the king’s house, for the purpose of hearing an oration from their monarch; for, in pursuance of an ancient and established practice, the king of Boossà annually harangues his people on the celebration of this festival. The sovereign is at least a head taller than any of his subjects, so that he was a remarkable and conspicuous object to every one of his audience. If such a comparison may be ventured on, the commencement of his speech was in its nature not much unlike that delivered on the opening of parliament by his Majesty of England. The king of Boossà began by assuring his people of the internal tranquillity of the empire, and of the friendly disposition of foreign powers towards him. He then exhorted his hearers to attend to the cultivation of the soil, to work diligently, and live temperately; and concluded with an injunction for them all to be abstemious in the use of beer. He declared that too much indulgence in it was the source of much evil and wretchedness, and the cause of most of the quarrels and disturbances that had taken place in the city. ‘Go; retire to rest soberly and cheerfully,’ said the king, ‘and do as I have requested you, when you will be an example to your neighbours, and win the good opinion and applause of mankind.’ The king’s speech lasted for three-quarters of an hour. He spoke vehemently and with much eloquence; his language was forcible[167] and impressive, and his action appropriate and commanding; and he dismissed the assembly with a graceful and noble air. Instead of a sceptre the monarch flourished the tuft of a lion’s tail.

While the king was haranguing his subjects, and while all of them were listening with respect and attention to the precepts of morality and virtue which he recommended, two of our own men, one of whom was intoxicated, were fighting and blustering, and making a great uproar among the people: my brother endeavoured to separate them, but all his efforts were unavailing and abortive, and he only received severe blows on the breast for his pains. The fight was observed by the king, who seemed distressed and angry, and rode up to the men three different times, and commanded them to forbear and be quiet, but his interference was regarded with no more respect than my brother’s. My brother and I, perceiving that the principal of the fellows would not be pacified by any other means, gave directions that he might immediately be secured. But the people of Boossà are gentle and compassionate in their disposition, and they not only regretted that the man was to receive punishment, but were actually afraid to come near him, for he was wild as a maniac, and our own men were obliged to lay hold of him, and attempted to bind him with ropes. This was no easy matter, for he struggled hard with them;[168] but after an hour’s desperate resistance, they succeeded in securing him, and he was subsequently confined in irons for the night, much against the wishes of the king and his people. This individual, whose name I forbear to mention, is a mulatto, and was born in the British colony of Nova Scotia, from whence he was removed in his childhood, with his parents, to Sierra Leone. While yet a boy, he was sent to sea; and before he had attained to maturity, he had filled the different characters of a slave, a seaman, a pirate, and the master of a vessel. He afterwards volunteered into the British navy, and became a man-of-war’s man; but for a serious misdemeanour, he was flogged through the fleet in the Mediterranean, and deserted in consequence. We found him at Badágry, where he had suffered a fortnight’s imprisonment, by order of Adooley, for theft. When we first saw him, he told us a long and pitiful story, of his having been born a British subject, but falling sick on board of a merchant vessel, which was trading on the coast, he was set on shore about five years ago by orders of his captain, and from that time up to the period of his joining our party at Badágry, he had been a slave to Adooley, for the captain had left him to his fate. As we knew the man would be extremely useful in a canoe, to the management of which he has been accustomed from his infancy, and that[169] he also understood the cleaning and repairing of guns, besides other useful matters, and as we likewise believed his artful tale, we obtained the consent of the Badágrian chief, whose slave he was, to part with him, provided we would pledge ourselves to bring him back with us in safety. In Yarriba, we could by no means complain of his general conduct; he was always willing to do everything we required of him, and was by far the most diligent and useful man of the party. At Boossà and at Yàoorie, however, his evil propensities and bad conduct began to display themselves: he became idle, drunken, and careless, and purloined several little articles, which, intrinsically, were of no value; but in the reduced state of our finances, they were of great consequence to us. Besides which, he is one of the most abandoned creatures in the world; and it was a common practice with him to absent himself from our party several days together, so that we saw nothing of him, and when he returned, was accompanied by complaints from the native women. This man’s conduct has given us both much uneasiness, anxiety, and apprehension; we scarcely know what to do with him, he is so profligate and vicious: we thought of sending him back to Yarriba by a party of men who will leave hence for Keeshee in a day or two, but they dread the thoughts of his company, and refuse to take him along[170] with them for any consideration. He has already threatened the lives of more than one of our men, and they begin to tremble with apprehension for their personal safety. In his sober moments he is quiet, orderly, and good-natured; and it is only when his furious passions are excited by drinking, that he becomes altogether ungovernable, and displays all his fiend-like disposition, to the danger of our lives. We are likewise apprehensive that the natives of the country will entertain but a despicable opinion of us, when they reflect upon the outrageous conduct of this man, for his features are cast in the European mould; he dresses in the English costume, like ourselves; he speaks our language with readiness, and writes it with facility.

Thursday, September 2nd.—Yesterday was considered as a day of amusement and recreation for men on horseback only; but this has been devoted almost exclusively to dancing and singing, and other trifling diversions, which are more generally relished by people of all ranks, and of both sexes. At an early hour in the morning, the people of the city, with musicians in their train, assembled in large groups, and continued parading the streets all day, and singing and dancing were kept up without intermission till four o’clock in the afternoon. Nothing could surpass the hilarity and general good humour which prevailed[171] among the people during the day. The features of every one were animated with joy. Theirs was no ordinary mirth; for being naturally of a warm-hearted, sanguine disposition, they entered into the sports of the day with a fervency which displayed itself in all manner of extraordinary tricks, gestures, and movements. This was a holiday for all, from the king to the meanest of his subjects. The old seemed to have forgotten their weight of years, the young knew no restraint, and those who before had talked of love in secret, now openly exchanged with each other

‘Quips and cranks, and wanton wiles,
Nods and becks, and wreathed smiles.’

A short relaxation from this tumultuous pastime was now obtained by some in making preparations for joining the king’s party, which was fast collecting at his house. Such diversions as theirs, so highly exciting and gratifying, are nevertheless wearisome to the strongest frame, and in this sultry climate must be particularly so to them. When they had all assembled, they presented a singular, grotesque, and striking appearance. A cluster of between sixty and seventy Falátahs, men, women, and children, were some standing and some sitting in front of the door-way, leading to the interior apartments. Their dresses were remarkably clean, neat, varied, and becoming; the long black hair of the women was ingeniously[172] and prettily braided, and confined in nets and caps; and their flowing garments of striped cotton swept along the ground: the men wore red caps, loose white tobes, and full trousers; and their little children were pleasingly clad and decorated with all the finery and ornaments which their parents had been able to bestow on them. These well-looking Falátahs formed the most interesting and agreeable assemblage of the whole; they had likewise more vivacity in their looks, and more quickness of action than any of their companions. To the right of them, in an enclosure of mud, was seated the Queen of Boossà, dressed loosely, though not inelegantly, in rich English silks, as spectatress of the amusements; behind her were the king’s other wives, and her own female slaves, who were pretty numerous. They formed also a cleanly, decent group, inferior only to the former. On each side of the Falátahs, and behind them, was a great number of other spectators, of all ranks, many of whom were standing, and many sitting on the turf and reclining against the trunks of trees. Most of the men were clad in the Mahomedan costume, with cap, tobe, and trousers; and the majority of the women were dressed in neat and durable country-cloths, which were carelessly thrown over the left shoulder, and reached to the ground, leaving the right arm and shoulder, and part of[173] the right leg, uncovered. A few among them, however, wore common Manchester cottons, of a large, showy, and vulgar pattern, which were infinitely surpassed by their own country cloth.

Although the king had not made his appearance, the amusements were carried on with much animation; and the dancers, far from being tired, seemed to imbibe fresh vigour and renewed activity; whilst the drummers, eight in number, with a fifer as an assistant, continued playing to them. A man first started from the crowd with a bundle of rushes in his hand, like a German broom, which he flourished over his head with inconceivable dexterity. After dancing awhile, he was joined by two Falátah women, who imitated his actions, and partook of his glee. One of them held a little girl by the hand; and the whole four individuals, man, women, and child, continued the dancing till they were completely fatigued, when they were succeeded by another party of three or four, and then another in like manner, so that there was not a moment’s pause in the dance at any time. They kept good time with the music and singing. But instead of the quick, lively motion which is generally observed on similar occasions, the dancers moved with a slow and measured step, in which there was nothing unbecoming or improper, and all seemed consistent with the rules of delicacy. For want of a proper fan, the[174] females used neat round mats of various colours; and it afforded us no little entertainment to see them placed before the mouth whenever they wished to hide their faces, or attempt to conceal their laughter.

Meanwhile, the king was expected by every one with much anxiety and impatience, for as yet he had not been present to witness the diversions of his people; and it was not till past four in the afternoon that he showed himself from one of his huts. His arrival was welcomed by a spirited rally upon the drums, while he took his seat on a stool between the queen’s station and the group of Falátahs, and perceiving us among the crowd, he invited us to place ourselves near his person. Several attendants who had followed their master stood on each side of him, forming, if it may so be called, a ‘guard of honour.’ One of these men held two large bundles of spears, whose points or barbs were confined in caps of burnished brass, on which he rested his head with much solemnity, and with a slight inclination of the body; while from his temples was suspended a huge and enormous hat, made either of grass or rushes, which reached to the ground, and covered him like a shield. Others held loose bundles of spears, fans, and arrows, with the two prodigious Arab trumpets which have before been casually alluded to. Thus attended, the king entered into the[175] spirit of the performances with a merry heart, and a determination to be pleased with them. He appeared to be by far the most delighted spectator of the whole, and signified his approbation by encouraging words and glances to those who danced or sung to his satisfaction. A cheerful smile animated his countenance during the whole time, and caused his features to assume an expression of good humour which it is a particular custom in him never to display so fully except on occasions of public festivity and enjoyment, though he is one of the pleasantest and best-tempered men that we have met with in Africa.

There was an elderly female who danced alone before the king, and by the peculiarity of her looks, and her ludicrous and uncommon gestures, afforded us very great amusement. This woman is a tall, awkward, masculine, and uncomely figure; yet she endeavoured to look so serious at the same time with so arch a countenance, and with a half-averted glance smiled with so much artfulness and loving-kindness on her sovereign and his attendants, dancing at the same time with such an extraordinary motion of her person, that she obtained universal applause. This was a fair challenge to the king; and as soon as she had finished, the monarch himself arose and stepped into the ring to display his acquirements in the art. Every one stood on his legs, out of respect to their sovereign,[176] as well to applaud his dancing, as to obtain a fairer opportunity of beholding his person; and a great press was made by the crowd in consequence, that they might gain a better view of him. The king moved with much stiffness and stateliness, which is at all times unbecoming in a dance; but the populace expressed their admiration of his abilities in shouts of joy, and certainly his attempts to please and amuse them deserved the full extent of applause. To us, however, it does not appear that Nature, which has been so bountiful to this beloved monarch in other respects, has fitted him for so active an amusement as this; for though his size approaches to the majestic, though he walks and rides with equal ease, and though the exercise by no means requires the greatest flexibility of body, his dance to us at least was a complete failure; for he has a foot which may be compared to that of a dromedary in point of size, and his toe is anything but ‘light and fantastic.’ When his first dance, which was much the same as that performed by his people, was concluded, the king began a second by imitating the canter of a native horse when going to war. This, as may be supposed, was an inexpressibly odd and whimsical experiment, but it lasted a short time only; for in a very few minutes he disappeared from the spectators by cantering into one of his huts, followed by the cheers of admiration and the acclamations of every one present.

[177]The sun had now set, and with the departure of the prince the singing and dancing ceased for the evening; nevertheless all the people patiently awaited his return to the spot. Now, of all the celebrated dancers in the country, none can excel or equal the king of Wowow in grace, elegance, and vivacity; and the fame of his skill in this amusement, which is thought so much of in this country, is gone abroad into all lands: every one, even his enemies, acknowledge his superiority in this polite accomplishment; and the envious and malicious are compelled to own that he is without a rival from Bornou to the sea. Yet, notwithstanding his renown as a dancer, the chief is a very aged man, having a most solemn and forbidding aspect; and though he has evidently, to use a common expression, one foot in the grave, he is as active as a boy, and indulges largely in this his favourite amusement every Friday. It was in order for us to witness his elegant dancing, we have been told, that he pressed us with so much earnestness and importunity to spend the holidays at Wowow, which we should certainly have consented to, but for the discouragement our project received from the king of Boossà, who was envious of his celebrity, and therefore compelled, rather than enticed us to remain here, that we might see his personal accomplishments to advantage, witness the public gaiety and festivities of his people, and in his[178] imagination be struck with astonishment and admiration at his own perfection in the art of dancing.

The Boossà people did not wait long for the reappearance of their monarch, for shortly after he came out to them, followed by a boy with two calabashes full of cowries, which were to be distributed among the multitude. But first of all the king took up a handful, and gave to each of the singers, dancers, and musicians, that had contributed so essentially to his entertainment; nor was the tall old woman forgotten, who had danced alone before him, for she received a double allowance. We were rather pleased at this, for she is our next-door neighbour, a poor old woman, who is very chatty and flippant, and has fallen in love with one of our young men, named Antonio. This having been done to the apparent satisfaction of all parties, the remainder of the cowries were scattered by the king’s own hand among the crowd to be scrambled for, which occasioned the most animating and amusing sight that can be conceived. Parents and children, brothers and sisters, strangers and friends, were scrambling and tumbling over each other, some on their faces and some on their knees, both giving and receiving cuffs and kicks in the scuffle to get at the money. This scramble lasted about ten minutes, when the party before the king’s house broke up; but the good-natured monarch, to show his affection for his subjects,[179] whom he indeed regards with as much tenderness as if they were his children, was unwilling to send them to their homes without giving them another last treat, so he danced sideways half way up the race-course and back again to his residence with much stateliness. This was indeed a royal attempt; the midīki smiled with delight that she had such a spouse; the people were louder than ever in their shouts of approbation; all was noise, tumult, and confusion; their sovereign was more beloved than ever he had been; and as the evening closed in, silence was gradually restored, and the people retired to their homes. This was the last of the holidays, and the proceedings of this day have concluded their festivities.

About ten o’clock at night, when we were sleeping on our mats, we were suddenly awoke by a great cry of distress from innumerable voices, attended by a horrid clashing and clattering noise, which the hour of the night tended to make more terrific. Before we had time to recover from our surprise, old Pascoe rushed breathless into our hut, and informed us with a trembling voice that ‘the sun was dragging the moon across the heavens.’ Wondering what could be the meaning of so strange and ridiculous a story, we ran out of the hut half dressed, and we discovered that the moon was totally eclipsed. A number of people were gathered together in our yard, in dreadful apprehension[180] that the world was at an end, and that this was but the ‘beginning of sorrows.’ We learnt from them that the Mahomedan priests residing in the city, having personified the sun and moon, had told the king and the people that the eclipse was occasioned through the obstinacy and disobedience of the latter luminary. They said that for a long time previously the moon had been displeased with the path she had been compelled to take through the heavens, because it was filled with thorns and briers, and obstructed with a thousand other difficulties; and therefore that, having watched for a favourable opportunity, she had this evening deserted her usual track, and entered into that of the sun. She had not, however, travelled far up the sky, on the forbidden road, before the circumstance was discovered by the sun, who immediately hastened to her in his anger, and punished her dereliction by clothing her in darkness, forcing her back to her own territories, and forbidding her to shed her light upon the earth. This story, whimsical as it may seem, was received with implicit confidence in its truth by the king and queen, and most of the people of Boossà; and the cause of the noises which we had heard, and which were still continuing with renewed vehemence, was explained to us by the fact that they were all ‘assembled together in the hope of being able to frighten away the sun to his proper sphere, and[181] leave the moon to enlighten the world as at other times.’ This is much after the manner of many savage nations.

While our informant was yet speaking to us, a messenger arrived at our yard from the king, to tell us the above tale, and with an invitation to come to see him immediately. Therefore, slipping on the remainder of our clothes, we followed the man to the residence of his sovereign, from outside of which the cries proceeded, and here we found the king and his timid partner sitting on the ground. Their usual good spirits and cheerful behaviour had forsaken them entirely; both appeared overwhelmed with apprehension, and trembled at every joint. Like all their subjects, in the hurry of fear and the suddenness of the alarm, they had come out of their dwellings half dressed, the head and legs, and the upper part of their persons, being entirely exposed. We soon succeeded in quelling their fears, or at least in diminishing their apprehension. The king then observed, that neither himself nor the oldest of his subjects recollected seeing but one eclipse of the moon besides the one he was gazing at; that it had occurred exactly when the Falátahs began to be formidable in the country, and that it had forewarned them of all the wars, disasters, and calamities, which subsequently took place.

We had seated ourselves opposite to the king[182] and queen, and within two or three feet of them, where we could readily observe the moon and the people without inconvenience, and carry on the conversation at the same time. If the royal couple shuddered with terror on beholding the darkened moon, we were scarcely less affected by the savage gestures of those within a few yards of us, and by their repeated cries, so wild, so loud, and so piercing, that an indescribable sensation of horror stole over us, and rendered us almost as nervous as those whom we had come to comfort. The earlier part of the evening had been mild, serene, and remarkably pleasant; the moon had arisen with uncommon lustre, and being at the full, her appearance was extremely delightful. It was the conclusion of the holidays, and many of the people were enjoying the delicious coolness of a serene night, and resting from the laborious exertions of the day; but when the moon became gradually obscured, fear overcame every one. As the eclipse increased, they became more terrified. All ran in great distress to inform their sovereign of the circumstance, for there was not a single cloud to cause so deep a shadow, and they could not comprehend the nature or meaning of an eclipse. The king was as easily frightened as his people, being equally simple and ignorant; he would not therefore suffer them to depart. Numbers sometimes beget courage and confidence, he thought; so he[183] commanded them to remain near his person, and to do all in their power to restore the lost glory of the moon.

In front of the king’s house, and almost close to it, are a few magnificent cotton-trees, round which the soil had been freed from grass, &c., for the celebration of the games. On this spot were the terrified people assembled, with every instrument capable of making a noise which could be procured in the whole town. They had formed themselves into a large treble circle, and continued running round with amazing velocity, crying, shouting, and groaning with all their might. They tossed and flung their heads about, twisted their bodies into all manner of contortions, jumped into the air, stamped with their feet on the ground, and flourished their hands above their heads. No scene in the romance of Robinson Crusoe was so wild and savage as this; and a large wood fire, with a few men spitted and roasting before it, was alone wanting to render it complete! Little boys and girls were outside the ring, running to and fro, clashing empty calabashes against each other, and crying bitterly; groups of men were blowing on trumpets, which produced a harsh and discordant sound; some were employed in beating old drums; others again were blowing on bullock’s horns; and in the short intervals between the rapid succession of all these[184] fiend-like noises, was heard one more dismal than the rest, proceeding from an iron tube, accompanied by the clinking of chains. Indeed, everything that could increase the uproar was put in requisition on this memorable occasion; nor did it cease till midnight, when the eclipse had passed away. Never have we witnessed so extraordinary a scene as this. The diminished light, when the eclipse was complete, was just sufficient to enable us to distinguish the various groups of people, and contributed in no small degree to render the scene still more imposing. If an European, a stranger to Africa, were to be placed on a sudden in the midst of the terror-struck people, he would imagine himself to be among a legion of demons, holding a revel over a fallen spirit; so peculiarly unearthly, wild, and horrifying was the appearance of the dancing group, and the clamour which they made. It was perhaps fortunate for us that we had an almanac with us, which foretold the eclipse; for although we neglected to inform the king of this circumstance, we were yet enabled to tell him and his people the exact time of its disappearance. This succeeded in some measure in suppressing their fears, for they would believe anything we might tell them; and perhaps, also, it has procured for us a lasting reputation ‘and a name.’ ‘Oh,’ said the king, ‘there will be sorrow and crying[185] this night from Wowow to Yàoorie. The people will have no one to comfort or condole with them; they will fancy this eclipse to be the harbinger of something very dreadful; and they will be in distress and trouble till the moon shall have regained her brightness.’ It was nearly one o’clock when we left the king and queen, to return to our hut; everything was then calm and silent, and we lay down to rest in peace.

Friday, September 3d.—The king’s messenger came to us this morning with the intelligence that his master had caught cold by exposing himself the preceding night, and was confined to his apartment with severe pains in the bowels. We have also to complain of a similar indisposition. One of our men, who offended so grossly at the horse-racing two days ago, has been liberated, and appears ashamed of himself and truly penitent. He promises to abstain from drink in future, to deport himself soberly and orderly, to lay aside all thoughts of revenge, and to be ready and willing at all times to do anything which may be required of him. Notwithstanding his protestations, however, we are resolved to place our guns and ammunition beyond his reach, together with all edged instruments whatsoever; for heretofore his temper has been known to be sullen, furious, and unforgiving, which may yet lead to disastrous consequences, and may involve us in difficulties.

[186]Monday, September 6th.—The man we sent to Coulfò, a fortnight since, to sell our ass, needles, &c., is not yet returned to Boossà, though he has exceeded the period we had specified for his absence by three or four days. Fearing that something unpleasant may have happened to him, we this day despatched one of the king’s people to Coulfò, in order to ascertain the cause of his delay; and if nothing detains him more than a want of sale for his goods, he is to return instantly with this messenger, rather than put us to inconvenience by a longer stay in that city.

The Niger is now completely full, and in many places its banks are already overflowed, so that it is extremely favourable for our proceeding down the river. With the change in the moon, however, we have had a constant succession of heavy showers, which have compelled us all day long to remain within doors, in a close, black, and smoky hut; having the disadvantage of damp, dirty walls, and of being pestered with myriads of black and white ants; and so long as the rains continue, we shall be able to take no other kind of exercise than that of moving round this miserable abode, like prisoners in a condemned cell. It is perhaps fortunate, after all, that our canoe has not been got ready so soon as we had anticipated, for constant exposure to the rains upon the water, in an open boat, would be extremely unpleasant.[187] Yet it is time that we should leave Boossà, for in spite of the friendship of the king and queen, more especially of the latter, which is declining very fast indeed, their benevolent feelings are growing colder every day; our resources at the same time are diminishing rapidly, and when they are gone, we know not what we shall do. We now receive only a calabash of caffas (a kind of dough or paste) from the king once in three days, so that we are compelled to eat them, at times, either in a state of putridity, or go without; and our men are half-famished, from the careless inattention, or perhaps from the wilful negligence of the midīki; we cannot, like the camelion, live upon air, and we have not a single cowrie to spare to purchase provisions. Our powder is reduced to a very small quantity, and in all probability we have not half so much as we shall require on the Niger; so that for some time past we have relinquished our sporting excursions altogether, though these once afforded us an ample supply of game for the consumption of our whole party.

Caffas are little cakes made of meal and water boiled together. There are several different kinds of corn at Boossà, all of which are also made into caffas. The method of separating the grain from the husk, is by cutting the ears from the stalk and placing them in a kind of wooden mortar, in which they are subjected to pressure from a heavy piece[188] of wood. The whole is then exposed to the wind on an elevated situation, by which the husk is blown away. The process of grinding the corn is performed on a large stone slab, with another heavy stone which is worked by the hand. The slab is placed for the sake of convenience in an inclined position, and is sufficiently large only for the person to perform the operation on his knees, and it is one which requires no little exertion. Their only method of cooking the meal when thus prepared, is by boiling it with water to the consistency of thick paste, in which state it is poured out in small portions on leaves, and laid by for use.

Wednesday, Sept. 8th.—Messengers from the king of Borgoo arrived this morning in the city from the metropolis of Niki, accompanied by a few of the principal merchants of a large fatàkie, which is now resting at Zalee, a small town about two hours’ walk to the westward of Boossà, and which we passed through on our journey. These men are on their way to the more easterly parts of the continent. They say here, that about twelve months since, a fatàkie consisting of an extraordinary number of traders, with horses and other beasts of burden, laden with merchandise, were travelling through Borgoo, on their route to Gonja, whither they were going to purchase the goora or kola nut. They were attacked, however, and plundered by the soldiers of Niki and Kiàma,[189] who had laid in ambush for them; and rumour says, that the princes of those countries shared the booty between them. It happened that in the train of these merchants, and who in fact formed part of the fatàkie, were six men from Boossà; and when the news of their disaster and enslavement was communicated to their king, he is said to have been irritated in the highest degree, insomuch that he instantly despatched men with a peremptory message to the sultan of Borgoo, to liberate his captured subjects, and restore to them their horses and property, or prepare for the consequences of his resentment in case of a refusal. This message was treated with contemptuous indifference by the Niki sovereign, and he returned to the monarch of Boossà a haughty and disdainful answer. But as soon as the latter heard it, he assembled the priests of the ancient religion of the country of which he is the head, and by their joint assistance, it is said, he made a powerful enchantment, by which the legs and arms of his enemy became entirely useless. The king of Borgoo finding himself in this helpless state, and his conscience reproaching him with the cause of it, he immediately liberated the Boossà merchants, restored to them their horses and property, and forwarded the messengers we have already spoken of as having arrived to-day from Niki, to solicit forgiveness of the king of Boossà, for the crime[190] which he had perpetrated, and implore that the spell which bound and was consuming him might be dissolved forthwith. The men came loaded with presents of goora-nuts, &c., and they have been joyfully received. Perhaps the Borgoo monarch hastened to make restitution for his offence, not on account of his enchantment, as these people imagine, but rather from public and political considerations; for, in consequence of the above quarrel, several of his towns had been taken possession of by the king of Boossà, which will now be abandoned, if the differences be amicably adjusted between the parties, that their inhabitants may be permitted to return to their former allegiance. The king of Boossà was restrained from making further conquests in Borgoo, only by the interference of the king of Wowow, who represented to him that the revenge he had already taken was more than proportionate to the offence that had been committed against him, and that he ought to rest satisfied therewith. The Niki messengers have been treated with the greatest respect, and the most generous hospitality.

Like all earthly things, the pleasure and satisfaction excited by the novelty of our persons have passed away, and we are no longer either the objects of care and attention from the king and his midīki, or of curiosity among the natives. If we stay here much longer, this neglect on the part of[191] the former will become alarming. No provisions have been sent us to-day, and our wants have been entirely lost sight of in the important arrival of these messengers from Borgoo. All has been joy in consequence; music and its usual accompaniments of discordant sounds have been going forward since; and bustle and confusion prevail throughout the city. Our people alone are sad, for they have nothing to eat.

Thursday, Sept. 9th.—The fatàkie mentioned yesterday as being at Zalee on the road to this city, arrived here this forenoon, preceded by a drummer on horseback, as usual, to animate the party by the sound of his instrument. They entered Boossà one by one, which is their usual method of travelling, and formed a very long train, the chief merchant of the whole bringing up the rear. This company consists of about four hundred individuals; and they have a great number of fine horses, a few mules, and two hundred asses, to carry their luggage. Their chief, and in fact their only merchandise, is the goora-nut, for which they have been to Gonja, a place only a few days’ journey from Accra.

Gonja was till very recently a province of Ashantee, and inhabited by a people between whom and the Ashantees there is no manner of difference whatever, the manners, language, religion, and pursuits of both being precisely the same. But[192] these goora merchants report that it has lately been separated from that empire, and is now an independent state. They say, that preceding the commencement of hostilities between the Ashantees and the British at Cape Coast Castle, &c., and their allies the Fantees, the former power requested the assistance of the people of Gonja in a premeditated attack against their enemies, which was objected to on the ground that the British had not offended them, and therefore they disliked coming to an open rupture with our countrymen. Nothing was said at the time by the King of Ashantee concerning the refusal of the men of Gonja to assist him in the war; and when his subjects returned to Coomassie in triumph, after having defeated and slain Sir C. Macarthy, he seemed to have forgotten it altogether. For some time after his total defeat by the British at Cape Coast Castle, he was still silent. But when he had recovered from the wounds he had received at this sanguinary battle, and the harmony of his subjects had been completely restored, he considered that then was the most proper time for punishing Gonja for its disobedience. For this purpose, say the merchants, he assembled a body of ten thousand men, most of whom were armed with muskets, and sent them, under the command of chosen captains, against the devoted province. But in the mean time the people of Gonja had[193] been by no means inactive, for having heard of the great preparations that were making at Coomassie, and being convinced that those preparations were designed against their own lives and liberties, they formed a plan of attacking their invaders and defeating their project, which succeeded to the utmost of their wishes, and even beyond their expectations. When they had learnt from a swift-footed messenger of the departure of the Ashantee army from Coomassie, and the road which they had taken, they stationed large bodies of stout, well-armed men in ambuscade at various places in the bush, close to the pathway, and awaited the coming of the foe. While the latter was drawing near to Gonja, not suspecting danger of any kind, and straggling about in imagined security, the men in ambush rushed out upon them, made a sudden and desperate attack on their whole force at the same moment, which threw the Ashantees into confusion, and the latter, dropping their arms, fled into the woods. The carnage is reported to have been dreadful. The conquerors gathered up the arms of their enemies, sung a song of victory, and returned in triumph to the city of Gonja.

The king of Ashantee, according to the accounts of the merchants, on being informed of this disastrous and unlooked for event, was more exasperated than ever against the successful party,[194] and vowed revenge against them, their city, and their country. He therefore, very shortly after the failure of the first expedition, sent another army, stronger than the former, with a command to destroy the rebellious city, and annihilate its inhabitants entirely. This news spread consternation among all classes of people in Gonja, and alarmed the strangers that had located in the country, insomuch that, on the advance of this second formidable army, they could not command sufficient resolution to go out against it, but deserted their dwellings and dispersed themselves through all parts of the adjacent countries, till such time as their enemies should think proper to return to Coomassie. It is almost unnecessary to add, that the city of Gonja was set on fire by the Ashantee soldiers, in pursuance of their commands, and every house in it burnt to ashes. The people, however, fancying the king’s wrath to be sufficiently appeased, were beginning to return again from the places of their concealment, on the departure of the fatakie, and were busily engaged in reconstructing their habitations.

We do not place entire confidence in this tale, for almost every African is guilty of gross exaggeration in his statements, and too many of them are confirmed liars; so that, after all, the above story may only be founded on fact.

Friday, Sept. 10th.—Ever since the arrival of[195] the Borgoo messengers, nothing else is heard in the city but music, which is continued from sunrise to sunset; and the long Arab trumpets are likewise sounded constantly in the middle of the night, the king taking this whimsical method of displaying his consequence and grandeur to the foreigners, which has amused us not a little. The dress of these Borgoo men differs but slightly from that which is worn by the people of Boossà and the neighbouring nations. We were favoured with a visit from them to-day, and their behaviour was remarkably decorous, though at first somewhat reserved. In their address they are extremely humble; and when they accost a superior, they prostrate themselves on the ground in the most abject and humiliating manner. Their chief is an elderly, quiet, respectable man, and professes the Mahomedan religion. On his entrance into our hut, this forenoon, he had so little confidence in himself, and was so timorous, that he could not speak; he shook like a leaf, and his lips also quivered from fear; indeed, the poor man was distressingly agitated,—perhaps he thought that we were going to devour him: but he regained his assurance when he found that such was not our intention, and in a very few minutes he became chatty, agreeable, and communicative.

We have received two messes from the king lately, one consisting of a dish of stewed elephant’s[196] flesh, and the other of the flesh of an hippopotamus, which had been caught in the Niger a short time before. The latter was rank and fat, and bore a greater resemblance to pork than to any other meat with which we are acquainted, yet it is considered delicate and delicious eating.

The method adopted by the natives of destroying the elephant is very simple. A large harpoon is thrust into the ground, in the middle of a path which they are known to frequent in their nightly excursions to the river for water, leaving the ragged points of the instrument above the ground in an inclined position, and concealing them with straw or stubble. The heavy beast, unsuspicious of danger, pursues the usual track with his companions; he comes in contact with the harpoon, which enters his breast or belly, and having no sagacity to draw back, the elephant, smarting with pain, forces himself forwards with all his might, which causes the weapon to penetrate still more deeply into his body, and he thus becomes a prey to his destroyers. Considering the vast number of elephants which inhabit the woods on the banks of the Niger hereabouts, it is singular that so few of them are annually destroyed by the natives. Perhaps one reason is the little encouragement they receive for their trouble; for the flesh of these beasts, except when very young, is almost unsaleable, by reason of its toughness and rancid[197] nature; their teeth also are valueless here, no use whatever being made of them.

Saturday, September 11th.—Our ears were saluted just after day-break this morning, by a dreadful noise between a man and his wife, who were squabbling about some money matters, and, as is usual in such cases, they were surrounded by all their female neighbours, whose clatter exceeded, if possible, their own. They are slaves of the midīki, and reside in our yard, within a door or two of our hut. The quarrel terminated in blows and tears, which was instantly made known to the queen, who commanded the delinquents to appear before her, and having entered into all the circumstances of the case, the differences between them were adjusted on the spot. The woman accused her husband of having stolen from the place where she had concealed them, no less than four hundred cowries, which was the original cause of the dispute. The accusation could not be denied; and the man endeavoured to soothe his wife by gentle words, and bring her into good humour by flattery, and expressed contrition for his offence; but this aroused the anger of the furious woman, who abused her husband with all the reproachful epithets she could make use of; and though she was blubbering all the while, she would have gone a still greater length, if he had not stopped her mouth by a severe beating. So little[198] tenderness or sociability exists between a married couple, particularly if they should happen to be slaves, that they have nothing in common; and though they eat and sleep in the same hut, they seek a separate livelihood.

Perhaps it would be speaking within compass to say, that four-fifths of the whole population, not only in this country, but likewise every other hereabouts, are slaves. Many of them are permitted to roam at large, provided they attend upon their masters when called upon; these procure their own subsistence, and devote part of their time to the service of their owners: others reside in the houses of their masters as domestic servants, and are likewise expected to contribute towards their own support. The Queen of Boossà has a great number of Falátah slaves; the men are constantly employed in taking care of her herds, and milking the cows, and the females dispose of the milk; half of the money obtained by this means, the Falátahs keep to maintain themselves. Thus are the slaves treated in their native country—they enjoy much freedom; are never overworked; have plenty of leisure time, and are rarely punished, and even then but slightly. If a slave run away from his master, and is afterwards taken and brought back, he is simply confined in irons a day or two for his offence; but he is sold to another the first opportunity. The[199] natives have a strong antipathy to flogging, or severe chastisement of any kind, and very seldom have recourse to the means of punishment which they have in their power to inflict.

Sunday, September 12th.—Our man, who has been expected with some anxiety and apprehension for his safety, arrived this afternoon from the city of Coulfò, but with very little money indeed, having disposed of the ass for less than half its value, and sold, comparatively speaking, a very small quantity of needles. The remainder, which were valued at thirty thousand cowries, were stolen from him, he asserts, a few days before his departure; but we strongly suspect that this is a falsehood, and that the fellow has converted them to his own use. Since the messenger to Rabba left Boossà on his errand, we have heard no intelligence whatever concerning him; and as every thing is now ripe for our enterprise, we begin to feel impatient and uneasy at our long, and to us, unnecessary detention in this place, and the irksomeness of our present dependent situation; for we are often troubled with painful apprehensions and surmises, that something unpleasant may yet intervene to frustrate our intentions, embarrass us with difficulties, and extinguish all our anticipations of success.

The king had not visited us for a fortnight, and therefore we sent a message to him this forenoon,[200] intimating the great anxiety we felt to proceed on our journey, and our earnest hope that he would permit us to do so immediately, even before the return of his messenger from Nouffie. We complained that we were destitute of almost everything; that we were wearied out with repeated disappointments, and with having nothing to do for so long a time; that our health was fast declining, and our life wasting away; and concluded by assuring him, that if we did not quickly return to our country, the worst consequences might ensue, and then what would become of his good name? To this the king made answer, that it was our future welfare alone, which had induced him to take those measures and precautions which he perceived with sorrow we disapproved of and disliked so much; that we did not display our wisdom by our impatience; and that to attempt proceeding down the river before the return of his ambassador, would, in his opinion, be not only presumptuous and improper, but would likewise be highly injurious to our interests.

The king promised to come and see us in the evening, and talk over the matter with us himself. According to his promise, therefore, he paid us a visit at the time appointed, and recapitulated that which he had before told Paskoe, but added that it would be absolutely necessary for us to make a[201] good present to the King of Nouffie, and another to the Falátah chief of Rabba. He then gave broad hints for one of our pistols, which he admired in the usual way; but as we were not obliged to comprehend his enigmas, and as we could ill spare the pistol, we appeared very stupid, and would not understand his meaning. The king shortly afterwards took his leave, yet he was by no means angry at the failure of his ingenious device. In respect to his recommendation that we should endeavour all in our power to make friends of the King of Nouffie and the Chief of Rabba, we have nothing left worthy of their acceptance, and shall therefore attempt to shun one of these rulers at least.

Monday, September 13th.—It is reported here, that El Kanemee, the celebrated Arab so often spoken of in Major Denham’s Journal, has fallen into disgrace with the Sultan of Bornou, who has had him imprisoned, and would have punished him with death, but for the interposition and remonstrances of the Mahomedan priests in the capital, who diverted him from his purpose by a solemn declaration, that if he should carry his resentment to such an extremity, there would be no rain in the country for seven years, for so their book, the Alcoran, had predicted; but that if the Sultan would be merciful, and resort to a milder punishment by liberating the Arab after a short[202] confinement, these prophetic priests promised him that ‘his horse should certainly drink of the waters of the Quorra,’ that is, he should vanquish all his enemies that were at that time between Bornou and the Niger, at the end of three years. The superstitious prince hearkened to these sayings of the crafty priests, and set his minister at liberty after a short imprisonment. The Arab was accused by the sultan of treasonable practices, and of having in particular made various attempts to obtain the affection of the people, by caresses and flattery, and of enticing them to revolt, so that he might at a future day usurp the rights of his sovereign, and cause himself to be proclaimed sultan in his stead.

Tuesday, September 14th.—The same superstitious notions and prejudices respecting witches, wizards, and ill-wishers, and the same belief in necromancy, prevail here at this day, as were current in enlightened Europe as recently as the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The king sent a messenger this morning to request the favour of a couple of charges of powder, stating that two women had absconded to Foco, which is a town on the banks of the Niger, a little way below Inguâzhilligee, and that if it should be found necessary, the powder might be used to frighten the runagates into a compliance with the wishes of their pursuers. In the evening the[203] women, who had surrendered themselves at Foco, landed here from a canoe, and were immediately put in confinement. We are told that these two poor old creatures resided on an island a little way up the Niger, and were lately accused by their town’s people of the crime of witchcraft, and with two old wizards, their neighbours and friends, of ‘having eaten the spirits of five individuals,’ who all are said to have died by this means. The men, aware of the persecution and the fate that awaited them should they be taken, succeeded in making their escape as soon as this crime was laid to their charge; but the females were not quite so fortunate, for the place of their concealment was made known to the king, and he caused them to be apprehended, as above mentioned. One of the reputed witches is a very aged woman, but her companion is not quite so old. The punishment that awaits them is perpetual slavery, whereas if the men had been caught, they would have been bound hand and foot, and flung into the Niger, and there left to perish. All witches, wizards, and ill-wishers, are treated in the same manner; the punishment of witches not being so rigorous as that of their male associates in the black art, in consideration of their sex. The belief in their power is very general, and instances of people fancying themselves bewitched, and suffering from their malignant incantations, are by no means uncommon.

[204]Saturday, September 18th.—During the last fourteen days my brother had been extremely indisposed from a slight attack of bilious fever, which has brought him to a very low and languid state, insomuch that I urged the king on Wednesday to send us away, to try if change of air and scene would not produce a beneficial effect on his health. The monarch, after many scruples and much hesitation, at length appointed the second day of the moon, that being, he pronounced, the happiest and luckiest of all days. He could not, however, forbear expressing his deep regret at our determination of leaving Boossà before the return of his messenger from Nouffie; it might be detrimental to our personal interests, and his own reputation also would suffer if any thing should befall us on the river, but he had already given his word for our departure, and from this promise he could not swerve. To-day is the second of the moon, but the Africans calculate upon it as the first only, because they never see that orb plainly till the second time of her appearance. This afternoon we wished to pay our respects to the king, previous to our departure, which we understood was to take place to-morrow morning, but to our surprise he asserted that the moon would not be discernible that evening, and therefore that Monday next will be the day which was specified. The moon, however, did shine fairly[205] in sight of all the people; nevertheless we have made no further remark to the prince on the subject, thinking it might confuse and irritate him.

Sunday, September 19th.—This morning we were so unlucky as to upset a large bowl of milk, one of which we are daily supplied with from the king’s house. We sent to have it replenished, because in our present circumstances we could ill afford to lose so great a luxury. Instead of gratifying us in this particular, however, he expressed himself quite overjoyed at the circumstance, and asserted that it was the most happy omen in the world, and that we ought to consider ourselves as peculiarly favoured and fortunate. So we were obliged to content ourselves without breakfast, of which the accident had deprived us, because of the superstitious nonsense of the monarch.

Everything is now got ready for starting. As it is not our present intention to call at many inhabited places on the banks of the Niger, we have provided ourselves with a great quantity of provisions, which consists chiefly of three large bags of corn and one of beans. We have likewise a couple of fowls and two sheep, so that we are of opinion we shall have food enough for all hands for three weeks or a month at least. To add to our stock, the king and midīki between them have given us a considerable quantity of rice, honey, corn, and onions; and two large pots of vegetable[206] butter, which weigh not less than a hundred pounds.

This afternoon, to our unspeakable joy, the long-expected and wished-for messenger arrived in this city from Rabba, accompanied by two messengers from the king of Nouffie, one of whom, a modest-looking, respectable young man, is his own son. These men are to be our guides as far as Rabba, after we have passed which city, all the Nouffie territory to the southward is under the surveillance of Ederesa and his partisans. ‘The Magīa,’ says the Boossà ambassador, ‘was delighted with the intelligence that white men were to honour his dominions with their presence; he showed me the presents made him by Captain Clapperton three years ago, and said a great deal in his favour and commendation. And as a proof,’ continued the man, ‘of his friendly disposition towards you, and his interest in your welfare, he has not only sent his son as your companion and guide, but he has likewise despatched a messenger to every town on the banks of the Niger, either considerable or unimportant, even as far as Funda, which is beyond the limits of the empire; and he is commissioned to acquaint their inhabitants of the fact of your intention of proceeding down the river, and to desire them to assist you with their encouragement and support, so far as it lies in their power to do.’

[207]After some little consideration, we knew not whether we ought to feel pleasure or regret, thankfulness or indifference, at the arrival of these men, and the occasion which brought them hither: at present we can only foresee that they will be a heavy burden on our funds; and as it happens that we have the utmost difficulty in the world in supporting ourselves, it will cause us additional trouble, expense, and uneasiness, in providing them with the bare necessaries of life. The king, however, had but one feeling on the subject, and that was unbounded delight; he capered around his hut with transport, when he saw our guides and heard their message; and after a burst of joy, he began to cry like a child, his heart was so full. ‘Now,’ said he, when he had become more composed, ‘whatever may happen to the white men, my neighbours cannot but acknowledge that I have taken every care of them, treated them as became a king, and done my best to promote their happiness and interests. They will not be able,’ continued the monarch with exultation, ‘they dare not have the effrontery to cast at me a reproach like that which they bestowed upon my ancestor. I can now safely entrust the white men to the care, protection, and hospitality of a neighbouring monarch, who, I am convinced, if not for my sake, at least for his own, will receive and entertain them with every mark of distinction and kindness. I know[208] and feel that towards them I have done my duty, and let my neighbours see to it that they do theirs.’ And so he has, for though we have been his guests for so long a time, and been occasionally not a little troublesome to him with our importunity, yet we have observed nothing either in his manners or character to condemn, but much, very much, to approve of and admire. His disposition is open and ingenuous, and his sentiments candid and sincere; no child is more simple, innocent, and unsuspicious than he. The little we have had to complain of is owing to our detention here longer than we wished; but then, perhaps, we have been a little too hasty and petulant, and it must likewise be remembered that in regard to us the king’s reputation and honour were at stake, and after all he may be perfectly right in his opinions and conjectures.

This evening an old Mahomedan priest, whose countenance seemed to radiate with meekness, simplicity, loving-kindness, and good-nature, entered our dwelling, and entreated us with earnest importunity to give him before our departure a quantity of deadly poison, a very small portion of which he wished might destroy life in a few moments after it should be taken. The hoary old villain did not hesitate to confess, in confidence, that his motive for making this strange request arose from the desire he felt to administer the[209] poisonous drug to a neighbour, whom he longed to put out of the world, because he had done him some slight imaginary wrong. Of course we execrated the horrid intention of the man, who, rather than listen longer to our reproaches, turned his face and walked away. In the night Boossà was visited by a thunder-storm. During the time we have been at Boossà, the thermometer has ranged between 76° and 93°, but it has most generally been between 80° and 90°, and the weather very oppressive.

## [210]CHAPTER XIII.

The King and Midīki take leave of the Travellers — They embark on the River and depart from Boossà — Island Melálie — Inguâzhilligee — Island Patáshie — The Chief of Teàh — Messengers from the King of Wowow — Perplexity of the Travellers respecting their Route — Terror of the Natives at their Appearance — An Invalid — Diseases of the Natives — Their Medicines — Richard Lander goes to Wowow — Superstition of the Natives — Charms — Return of Richard Lander to Patáshie — His Interview with the King of Wowow — House of Correction at Patáshie — Native Pagan Priest — Departure from Patáshie — Ráah — Arrive at Lever — An officious Friend in the Priest Ducoo — Disappointment of the Travellers.

Monday, September 20th.—As may be supposed, our hearts beat high this morning with the anticipation of at length leaving Boossà, and of proceeding on our journey; and we were all on the qui vive at a very early hour, ransacking our lumber, packing it up, and turning it all out into the yard, from whence it was conveyed to the water-side. About breakfast-time the king and queen arrived at our hut, to pay us a farewell visit, and bestow upon us their last blessing. They brought with them two pots of honey and a large quantity of goora nuts, strongly recommending us to present the latter to the Rabba chieftain, for[211] that nothing we might have in our possession could so effectually conciliate his favour, procure us his friendship, and command his confidence. When mutual compliments were passed, we expressed our acknowledgments to both of them with sincerity and earnestness, for the benevolence, hospitality, and attention, with which they had uniformly treated us; for their kindness to us; for their zeal in everything that regarded our welfare; and for the protection they had afforded us during a period little short of two months, in which we had enjoyed the utmost security, and as much of happiness and gaiety, as it had been in their power to bestow. And we assured them, that should we be so fortunate as to return to England, it would be our first care to acquaint our countrymen of all their kindness to us, which we would remember as long as we lived. We then shook hands heartily, and concluded by wishing them a continuation of the simple blessings and the felicity they enjoyed; that they might ever be loved by their subjects, and feared and honoured by the neighbouring nations; that they might live to a good old age and die in peace with all mankind. They were both touched with sorrow at our words, for they were the last which they would hear us utter; tears were glistening in the eyes of each as they were making an affecting and suitable answer; and the good couple walked out of our hut with heavy and mournful[212] countenances, and immediately repaired to their own abode in order to make a powerful spell for our preservation and success.

When we ourselves quitted the hut, which was shortly after their departure, we found our yard filled with neighbours, friends, and acquaintances, who all fell down on their knees to bid us good bye. They blessed us earnestly with uplifted hands, and those among them that were of the Mahomedan religion, fervently implored for us the favour and protection of Allah and their Prophet. The eyes of many of them were streaming with tears, and all were more or less affected. As we passed by these poor creatures, we spoke to them all, and thanked them again and again for their good wishes. Our hearts must have been of marble if we could have beheld such a scene without some slight emotion. On our way towards the river, also, the path was lined with people, some of whom saluted us on one knee, and some on both, and we received their benedictions as we walked along.

It was exactly half past nine in the morning when we arrived at the river side, where we found two canoes lying to receive our goods, which we quickly loaded. But with that indolence and indifference which distinguish all ranks of people here, the canoemen did not make their appearance till nearly two hours after, though we had sent[213] messengers repeatedly to them to hasten their coming; the head of them is the ‘Sullikin Zhilligee’ (king of the canoe) that conveyed us from Kagogie to Yàoorie. When our people were all embarked on the Niger, and ourselves, we humbly thanked the Almighty for past deliverances, and fervently prayed that He would always be with us, and crown our enterprise with success.

We had been but a short time on the water, when we discovered that the smaller canoe, in which were six individuals and a number of sheep belonging to the Nouffie messengers, was overladen and in danger of sinking, and that both were very leaky, insomuch that it required three men to be constantly employed in baling out the water to keep them afloat. To lighten the smaller canoe, we took a man from her into our own, and afterwards we proceeded more safely and with less apprehension; yet, at one o’clock in the afternoon, we were obliged to put into a small island called Melàlie, to get it repaired, for we were afraid to proceed any further with the small canoe on account of the rocks and the velocity of the current.

The chief of the village, a decent-looking, elderly man, came down to salute us at the water-side; and would not suffer us to depart till he had prevailed on us to drink beer with him and fire off our guns, when he compelled us to accept of a fine[214] kid, which we were too polite to reject. He was dressed in a tobe made of a mixture of country cloth and Manchester cotton, &c. After we had remained on the island about half an hour, which was occupied in making the necessary repairs to the canoe, we launched her out into the water, expressed our thanks to the chief, and took our leave. Melàlie is tolerably cultivated, and is inhabited solely by Borgoo men. It lies on the western side of the river. Between this island and Boossà, the river is full of small islands, with channels of deep water between them. The banks on both sides are very fertile, as well as the islands themselves, which are mostly inhabited and well cultivated.

The current, according to our estimation, was here running at the rate of five or six miles in an hour; and the bed of the river was full of rocks, some of which were only a few inches below the surface of the water, which occasioned it to make a loud rushing noise, and forewarn the canoeman of his danger. Owing to the skilfulness of ours, we succeeded in crossing one or two sunken reefs, which, in the dry season more especially, must be extremely dangerous; even as it was, we experienced considerable difficulty in getting over them. At two o’clock we passed the boundaries of Boossà, on the eastern side of the river, and entered the dominions of the King[215] of Nouffie. A town belonging to the former power, on the eastern bank of the river, marks the spot; but we were unable to ascertain its name. We then travelled along by the side of an island, very woody, called ‘Any Man’s Land,’ which, though fertile, is uninhabited, in consequence of the vast number of wild horses which it is said to contain.

At five P.M., we came to Inguâzhilligee, having passed, just before, a very large and pleasant, but straggling town, called Congie[3]. Inguâzhilligee[4] is the first town on the Wowow ground, all above, on the western bank of the Niger, belonging to Boossà. Journeying along for a quarter of an hour without stopping here, we put into a market town, on a large and beautiful island called Patàshie, just in time to save ourselves from a heavy shower; and here we shall be obliged to remain till the return of a messenger who we landed in[216] the middle of the day, and sent to Wowow for the purpose of informing the king of our departure from Boossà, and of our intention to abide at Patàshie till he chooses to send us the large canoe that we have purchased of him. We are now out of the protection of the friendly monarch of Boossà, who will have nothing further to do with us.

About twenty or thirty paces from the river’s side, we discovered a great quantity of huge bones and skulls of hippopotami, piled up on a high platform which has been erected for the purpose. These, we understand, are preserved as trophies by the natives, on much the same principle as foxes’ tails are kept by many country gentlemen in England. From the decayed appearance of some of the skulls, we are inclined to believe that most of the animals must have been destroyed very many years ago. We were speedily introduced to the chief, who gave us a hearty welcome, and who we found to be a little round, fat, jolly-looking old man; and as soon as was convenient, we were conducted to an excellent hut, received a quantity of provisions from the chief, and then lay down to rest. Thermometer 76°, 86°, 88° during the day.

Tuesday, September 21st.—Patàshie, as we have said, is a large, rich island, unspeakably beautiful, and is embellished with various groves of palm, and other noble trees. Its distance from[217] Boossà, as nearly as we can guess, may be between forty and fifty miles. It abounds with horses, asses, bullocks, sheep, goats, poultry, &c., and produces abundance of corn and yams; in fact the soil is so exceedingly fertile, and its inhabitants so industrious, that not an acre of ground in the whole island, it is said, is left without cultivation. Patàshie is tributary to Wowow, though it is inhabited solely by Nouffie people, who are considered honest, active, laborious, and wealthy. We find the river very much swollen, the banks are of a shelving nature, and the water is now nearly on a level with the highest part of them. We observed several small villages on the Nouffie side.

Our hut has this day exhibited a scene of revelry and mirth more becoming a native inn than a private dwelling.

The chief of the island, accompanied by our four messengers from Boossà and Nouffie, our canoemen, and several of his own people, all dressed ‘in their holyday best,’ paid us a visit in the earlier part of the morning, and out of compliment, I fancy, remained with us till evening, with the exception of a short absence in the middle of the day, during all which time they were employed in swallowing palm-wine, which is procured in the island in great plenty, and in telling nonsensical stories. We were glad when they[218] said it was time to depart, and having shaken hands with the ardour of drunkards, they took their leave, staggered out of the hut, and all went laughing away.

It is rather singular that though the chief is a sooty black, he has bright blue eyes. We received from him about noon a fine goat, and messes of pounded yam and meat, stewed in palm-oil. These were brought in well-carved wooden dishes, of huge dimensions; and we subsequently received an ewe sheep, and similar dressed dishes, from the chief of an island belonging to Nouffie, which lies abreast of this, and whom we have not yet seen.

The magīa’s son (whose name is Mohammed), and whom we find to be a very intelligent youth, informs us, that if the prince of Wowow be unable to furnish us with a canoe sufficiently large for our purpose, it would be well to demand the restoration of our horses, which we could dispose of advantageously in Nouffie, and purchase a quantity of beads, and other trifles, with the money, as presents to the various chiefs along the banks of the river. Instead of purchasing a canoe ourselves, which would be very expensive, the young man promised, in the name of his father, to obtain one of commodious size, which should answer all purposes, and take us to Tagra, with men whom it should be his business likewise to get.[219] Tagra, we believe, is very near Benin. In our own opinion, this would certainly be the safest and best means of journeying down the Niger, as the protection of all the chiefs would thereby be insured to us. But we are apprehensive that we have gone too far towards adopting a different scheme, and we see very little likelihood, indeed, that we shall be able to embrace the plan suggested, and so strongly recommended by Mohammed, unless the Wowow ruler be not in a condition to perform his engagement, and is willing to return our horses, which does not appear to us at all probable, under existing circumstances. The messenger we sent to him is not yet returned. Thermometer 74°, 83°, 85°, during the day.

Wednesday, Sept. 22d.—This morning we were visited by the revellers of yesterday, who brought with them several gallons of palm-wine, which they swallowed in a very short time, and to every appearance we were threatened with a renewal of yesterday’s debauch; but luckily for us they went out for a few minutes to procure more liquor, when we embraced the opportunity of closing the door of our hut against them, and thus prevented their re-entering it.

In the morning we were favoured with a visit from the chief of Teàh, the Nouffie island alluded to yesterday. He is a venerable-looking old man, of advantageous stature, and exceedingly corpulent.[220] He expressed the utmost delight and satisfaction on seeing white men before he died, and declared it was a pleasure, which neither his father, mother, nor uncle, had ever enjoyed, and a gratification which his ancestors had never hoped for; he should therefore cherish the remembrance of it as long as he lived. We have with us a quarto edition of natural history, with plates; these, though incomprehensible to the natives of Yarriba, appear to be extremely well understood here, and have excited in the minds of those that have seen them the highest degree of admiration, rapture, and wonderment. The old chief of Teàh gazed upon them in silent astonishment; but when we took out a watch and mariner’s compass for his inspection, and their uses were explained to him, he became at first very uneasy, and afterwards perfectly wild with amazement. No one in the world could express more naturally or forcibly the emotion of wonder, or the passion of fear, which the countenance of this old man displayed as he looked at the watch; nor could he be persuaded for a long time but that it was in possession of life and being, and had the power of moving. After a long and friendly chat the good old chief saluted us, and took his leave.

Teàh lies very near the island of Patàshie, from which it is divided only by a very narrow channel. Of the two, Teàh is said to be the larger and more[221] populous; but with regard to agreeableness of appearance, amazing fecundity of soil, and natural productions, they are pretty much alike, both being beyond description fertile and beautiful. In both provisions are reasonable, and in the greatest plenty; they are both inhabited by individuals of the same nation, who enrich the islands by their industry and labour; and both have been equally exempt from those intestine broils and commotions which have for so long a time agitated and impoverished the natives of the main land.

In the evening a messenger arrived from the king of Wowow, with news not at all to our liking. He informs us that we were anxiously expected in that city from Boossà at the time of the holydays; and because we did not come agreeably to our promise, the prince could not conceal his chagrin, and was exceedingly angry not only with the king of Boossà, who was the cause of our absence, but with us likewise. The messenger continued, that his sovereign had most certainly procured for us a canoe, which is laid up at Lever; but that if we wished, or rather if we were determined to have our horses back again, the king would send them to us in compliance with our wishes, ‘for who,’ said he, with much emphasis, ‘would presume to assert that the monarch of Wowow would keep the property of others?’ ‘It would not be paying him that respect,’ he continued,[222] ‘which his rank and situation demanded, were the white men to leave his dominions and the country altogether, without first coming to pay him their respects, and he would therefore entreat us to pay a visit to Wowow immediately for that purpose, or if both of us could not leave Patàshie, he requested that I would come and bid him adieu, because I had not done so when my illness compelled me to leave his city.

The man finished his message by complaining bitterly of the conduct of the king of Boossà, who, he said, had acted towards his sovereign deceitfully, unhandsomely, and inconsistently, throughout all the transactions in which we have been principally concerned. We ourselves are confident that the king of Wowow will strongly object to the arrangement of his relative, regarding our being sent either to the magīa or to the chief of the Falátahs at Rabba, if not endeavour to frustrate it, because he is at enmity with the one, and both fears and hates the other. But how he can positively prevent this scheme from being carried into effect, seeing we shall have the magīa’s son and a Nouffie messenger in the same canoe with us, we cannot imagine.

The monarchs of Boossà and Wowow seem to have very opposite opinions regarding our journey. The former insists on the necessity of our proceeding down the Niger on the eastern[223] or Nouffie side, which would certainly be the most interesting and desirable; whereas the other makes use of strong language to persuade us that the Yarriba side of the river would be the most convenient, the most agreeable, and the safest; and that if we would make up our minds not to attend to the king of Boossà’s advice, he would send a messenger with us, who should protect us even to the sea. This difference of opinion, we are apprehensive, will involve us in a thousand perplexities; yet we must be guided in our choice entirely by circumstances. Interest, present or remote, and prejudice and passion, seem to sway the minds of both these rulers, though each of them avows his disinterestedness. The king of Boossà, a good man, but of an humble, yielding, peaceful, enduring temper, and of a timorous, wavering disposition, requests us earnestly to visit the Magīa and the Falátahs, because he knows it would gratify their vanity, and make them his friends for ever;—the king of Wowow, of a firm, sagacious, and unbending mind, scorns the friendship and defies the power of either, and is inveterate in his dislike both of the very name of Falátah, and that of the brother of Ederesa; he is aware that our visiting their territories in person, would not only be paying them a very high compliment, but would likewise, in some measure, be advantageous to them, and is guided by this[224] decided partiality in doing all in his power to bring us over to his own views and sentiments. From the treatment I experienced at Soccatoo, I must say that I entertain a very great aversion to the whole Falátah nation; and am of opinion, that if we put into Rabba, according to the suggestions of the king of Boossà, we shall be detained there till Bello be informed of the fact, and his intentions with regard to us be communicated to the chief. I am therefore inclined to adopt the advice of the king of Wowow, rather than to comply with the wishes of his august relative, though there is no just or reasonable ground to fear either ill-treatment or detention at the hands of the Falátahs, more especially since we have received ample and satisfactory assurances from the powerful chief of Rabba himself of their favourable disposition towards us, that we shall be received as friends, and meet with every encouragement and support as far as their power and interests extend, and as far as their name is known and respected. Yet we cannot follow the bent of our own inclinations; we are involved in difficulty; and though everything appears propitious to our enterprise, yet we are not masters of our own actions; we must follow where others lead, and we are still in doubt as to what we shall do. At all events, we shall be guided in our choice entirely by circumstances; ‘we shall trust our fortune to the powers above,’[225] and can only pray that an indulgent Providence will succour, befriend, and protect us in all circumstances, as it has heretofore done.

The Wowow ambassador will rest with us to-morrow; and, on the day following, I intend accompanying him to that city, not only to pay my respects to the sovereign, but likewise to have a final and decisive answer from him regarding the canoe, without further subterfuge or procrastination. Thermometer 76°, 87°, 89°, during the day.

Thursday, Sept. 23d.—At Boossà, latterly, we had the greatest difficulty and trouble in procuring the bare necessaries of life; but here, in this flourishing Patàshie, provisions have been sent us from the chiefs of the two islands, in such abundance, that half of them, we regret to say, have been unconsumed by our people and thrown to the dogs: we have received from each of them, daily, as much as a strong man could carry, consisting of the usual gigantic bowl of pounded yam and meat, stewed in palm oil. People here, of all ages, display the most anxious, though perhaps natural curiosity to see us; and large crowds of them assemble every day, and wait from morning till night, patiently, till they have gained the object of their visit. However, they are all as timid as hares, and if we happen to look fixedly in their faces for a moment, most of them, more especially[226] the females, and the junior classes of both sexes, start back with terror, as if they had seen a serpent in the grass; and when we attempt to walk near any of them, they run away screaming, as though they had been pursued by a lion, or were in danger of falling into the jaws of a crocodile, so horrified are these poor people at the bare sight of a white man, and so frightful do their imaginations picture him to be.

In the evening, long after the sun had gone down, the chief brought a youth for us to pass our opinion on, whom he introduced as a near relative. He has been ill for the last fourteen months, and the chief prayed that we would endeavour to cure him of his complaint. He is a tall, lank young man, of humble, modest, and reserved manners. From a state of robust health and vigour, which it appears he formerly enjoyed, he is wasted away almost to a skeleton; and his temper, once pleasant, cheerful, and sprightly, has lost its elasticity, and he is become thoughtful, dejected, and melancholy: however, though the invalid rarely enjoys sound and refreshing sleep, yet he has a wonderful appetite, and he eats with voracity. We sincerely regret our ignorance of the nature of his disorder, and therefore our utter inability to do him the slightest benefit; nevertheless, the old chief solicited us so warmly for medicine, and with such pressing importunity, that[227] rather than give offence, and because the young man complained of a sore throat and neck, which seemed to annoy him at present more than anything else, we chafed those parts with a little spirits of hartshorn, and wrapped round them several folds of warm flannel. It was all that we could do to relieve his pain, and it seemed to give complete satisfaction. Poor people! how happy did this little service make them!

The natives are subject to very few diseases, and those, generally speaking, are not of a dangerous or malignant tendency. As far as we are able to judge from the symptoms he describes, the complaint under which the old chief’s protégé labours, approaches nearer to the nature of consumption than to any other disease with which we are acquainted. Small pox is very prevalent, but we do not hear that it often terminates fatally. The Guinea-worm is frequently met with; ulcers, of that frightful description which prevails on the coast, are unknown; but agues and slight fevers are by no means uncommon; and of all complaints, sore eyes and affections of the bowels are by far the most general. Properly speaking, the natives have no active medicine of their own, though they boast an acquaintance with a variety of medicinal plants, which, as far as our observation extends, are wholly inefficacious; they likewise ascribe the most wonderful healing properties[228] to a quantity of roots and fibres of trees, which are sought after and vended by a number of idle, lazy fellows who pretend to be Mahomedan priests: however, from our experience, these do neither good nor harm, being perfectly innocent in their effects, and altogether useless. The root of a large and scarce tree holds so high a reputation for the astonishing properties which it is supposed to possess, that it has obtained, by way of distinction, the name of the ‘mother of roots.’ Besides its other virtues, the credulous people believe that, whilst they have the smallest portion of this celebrated ‘mother of roots’ about their persons, they can assuage every sorrow, alleviate every misfortune; banish care from their minds and want from their dwellings, avert pain, and secure happiness. From the Arabs, however, the natives obtain great quantities of trona, which is a fossil alkali, and is found on the borders of the desert. It is a strong and active aperient, and possesses other medicinal properties which are understood by the people. It is taken by all ranks in every complaint, of whatsoever nature it may be. Trona is likewise beat to a powder and mixed with snuff, to which it imparts a great degree of pungency. And lastly, it is given to horses, sheep, and other animals, which eat large lumps of it with the greatest avidity. Thermometer 78°, 89°, 91°, during the day.

[229]Friday, September 24th.—The Boossà canoemen, who have been intoxicated every day since they have been here, returned to their homes this morning in a state of ebriety, having received a shilling each and a few needles, as a reward for their labour. Shortly after their departure, I landed for the purpose of proceeding to Wowow, and took possession of a house on the bank of the river, which had been prepared for me. The King of Wowow’s messenger accompanied me, and having got everything ready as soon as we could, we commenced our journey towards his city. It was the intention of the man from Boossà to have taken his leave of us here, and return to his sovereign; but when he heard the extraordinary communication and insinuations of the Prince of Wowow, he changed his mind, and resolved to accompany me as above related. I left my brother on the island to take care of our things, and the following remarks were made by him in my absence.

‘The Nouffie messengers remain here with me, and the Queen of Boossà’s “master of the horse” has determined not to leave us till after our arrival at Lever, though we would much rather dispense with his company. They tell us that Rabba is two days’ journey by water from the town of Lever, and three from Funda, and that Funda is four days’ journey from the sea. On our arrival at Rabba, says Mohammed, or[230] after we shall have delivered a present to its chief, and the formalities of introduction are gone through, he will supply us with horses to convey us to a town wherein the Magīa resides, and which is about two days’ journey from thence, for it will be necessary that we should pay our respects to him in person.

‘The chief of Patàshie came to see me this evening by lamp-light, accompanied by his sick relative, whom he pronounced to be much better, having slept soundly during the night, and experienced a mitigation of pain. I applied a little more spirits of hartshorn to his throat, and recommended temperance in eating, gentle exercise in the open air, to beware of chills, and avoid exposure to nightly damps and dews. The old chief and his nephew (for that is the relationship between them) took their leave of me with many expressions of thankfulness. Our hut has been literally crammed with visiters nearly the whole of the day. Thermometer 77°, 88°, 92°, during the day.

‘Saturday, September 25th.—Nothing worthy of particular notice has occurred to-day; I continue to receive the utmost hospitality and kindness from the old benevolent chiefs of Teàh and this island, the latter of whom stays with me almost all day long. He took a fancy to the only English coat which is now left me, its green colour seeming to be the principal cause of his admiration; and as it is of little consequence here how uncouthly soever[231] an European may be dressed, I cut off part of its skirts to make him a cap. A woman belonging to the chief died to-day in a state of insanity. According to the people’s account, the deceased was in good health three days ago, but this morning a malicious female demon entered into her, and began to exercise her malign propensities by tormenting her victim, throwing her upon fires, and into the water, causing her eyes to roll in a frenzied manner, and making her lie along the ground, raving and roaring most furiously. Last of all, they say the evil spirit put an end to her torture by eating her life, and she died. Thermometer 74°, 80°, 83°, during the day.

‘Sunday, September 26th.—A Mahomedan priest, furnished with pen and ink, arrived at Patàshie to pay his respects to us, and without wearying me with questions, he sat down very composedly and commenced writing an Arab charm or prayer, for our health, preservation, and success. I felt no inclination to interrupt the man’s benevolent intention; and when he had finished, the Magīa’s son, who happened to be present, animated by the same laudable impulse, produced a charm possessing, no doubt, as many virtues as the Mallam’s. These are nothing more than short extracts from the Koran. Both men appeared to write the Arabic character with a readiness and facility which one would scarcely[232] expect to find in this remote country. Charms or amulets are in universal use, more especially in Yarriba, where, perhaps, the Mahomedan religion is least felt, and has made least progress. They are generally encompassed with red cloth or leather; are worn for the most part on the left arm; and from ten to twenty are sometimes observed on the person of one individual. This custom might have originally been introduced into the country by the Arabs, and disseminated by their means through all these parts of the continent. The phylacteries of the ancient Jews, which were little rolls of parchment, containing written passages from the Holy Scriptures, and which used to be worn upon the forehead and the wrist of the left arm, might have given the Arabians the hint of wearing extracts from the Koran in like manner, and which, by the lapse of ages, have degenerated into the present superstitious practice of wearing charms, which is so prevalent in Africa. The same idle stories with regard to reputed wizards, necromancers, &c., which are current in Boossà, obtain as great a degree of credit here; and the people likewise believe in other absurdities equally detestable. To-day a man has been accused of eating the spirit or living principle of another; but in what manner he is to be punished, no one has yet informed us. Thermometer 76°, 86°, 91°, during the day.’

[233]Monday, September 27th.—I returned in the warmest part of the day from my visit to Wowow, with no less than three men as messengers from the king, the whole of whom are to accompany us to Lever. It has ever been the policy of all the African rulers of the cities and kingdoms through which we have passed since leaving Badágry, to furnish us with a greater number of guides and messengers than we have either required or wished. In the present instance, one would have been amply sufficient for our purpose, but, as on former occasions, the Wowow men are the king’s slaves, and will be obliged, on their return, to lay before their monarch whatever we may give them as a reward for their trouble; he will take from them as much as he likes, which most likely will not be less than seven-eighths of the whole, and the little left will then be divided among the messengers, so that self-interest alone has induced the king to send us three men, because three men will be entitled to more wages than one.

On my arrival at Wowow on the 24th instant, I felt too much fatigued from the length of the journey, and the heat of the weather, to pay my respects to the monarch, and therefore desired to be excused from visiting him till the morrow. Accordingly, on the following day, I had prepared myself to go to the king’s house, in pursuance of my agreement, but was greatly surprised on learning[234] that the eccentric old man had excused himself from being seen on that day, on the same plea as I had the day before, observing that he had taken a ride to view his gardens in the morning, and that the exercise had so much tired him, that he felt no inclination whatever to receive visiters till next day. Therefore, it was not till the 26th, that the king granted me an audience, and then he said, with the greatest indifference, ‘I have not yet been able to procure you the canoe which I promised to get; but I have no doubt that the ruler of Patàshie will have it in his power to supply you with one to your satisfaction, for which purpose I will send an express to that island without delay, whom I will furnish with the necessary instructions to effect an immediate purchase.’ Thus, with as much discussion as would fill a volume, continued with little or no intermission for seven weeks, between the sovereigns of two countries, who during that period were sending messengers to each other continually, the mighty business which had employed all their thoughts, and in which they were unceasingly engaged—the simple purchase of a canoe, is even now left unfinished; in fact, up to the present moment, no more has been done in the matter, than when we first made known our intentions and wishes to the king of Boossà from the city of Yàoorie two months ago. So much for the expedition with[235] which Africans usually transact their affairs. The king took the opportunity of informing me, that he should by and by set about erecting a suitable building for the reception of our countrymen, whenever it should please them to come up the river to trade: for the old man cherishes the belief, in common with other rulers on the banks of the Niger, that numbers of Europeans will, some time or other, certainly visit his country for the purposes of traffic.

Before my departure, the monarch showed me, in compliance with my request, the whole of his collection of charms, which are written on sheets of paper, glued or pasted together. Amongst them I discovered a small edition of ‘Watts’s Hymns,’ on one of the blank leaves of which was written:—‘Alexander Anderson, Royal Military Hospital, Gosport, 1804.’ It is perhaps unnecessary to say, that Mr. Anderson was the companion, and I believe a very near relative of the celebrated Mr. Park. From the Wowow chieftain, as well as from his good old brother, and our friend Abba, I and my attendants experienced the most liberal hospitality; and, on taking my leave of them, they wished me farewell in the most cordial and affectionate manner. Besides the note from Mr. and Mrs. Watson to Mr. Park, which we obtained when at Boossà, we also saw another from Lady Dalkeith, of the same date, acknowledging[236] the receipt of some drawings from him. Thermometer 76°, 89°, 93°, during the day.

Tuesday, Sept. 28th.—It is really tiresome to say anything further on the provoking subject of the canoe; yet we think it necessary to remark, that not a single one is to be found here sufficiently large for our purpose, or at all answering the expectations held out to us by the prince of Wowow. Lever is therefore again fixed on as the place where our wishes are to be answered, and our hopes realized; and we are given to understand that we shall leave this place for thence at an early hour to-morrow.

On walking across Patàshie to-day, in perhaps its narrowest part, we found the island to be about a mile in width; yet, in comparison to its breadth, it is very disproportionate, being several miles in length. Patàshie is extremely populous for its size, and large clusters of huts are scattered all over the island. From a gentle eminence on the main land opposite, its appearance bears a striking resemblance to the more beautiful parts of the sea-coast.

The people have a hut here, wherein all females who conduct themselves indecently, or commit any crimes or offences, are imprisoned. This building is distinguished from the others by its size, situation, and superior appearance. Outside the door-way, and on each side of it, are two clay figures, nearly[237] as large as life, which are affixed to the wall. One of them is intended to represent a woman in an upright position, and without clothing, so that every female who sees it may be reminded of the object and origin of the institution; but the thing looks extremely odd, and the execution, as might be supposed, is rude and contemptible. The figure opposite to it is a pretty good representation of a crocodile; and is placed against the wall, I suppose, merely as an ornament. Nearly all the junior classes of the population here go entirely naked; and it is not before they attain to man’s or woman’s estate that they begin to clothe themselves. Red clay is in general use among females of all ranks. The Magīa’s son intends leaving us to-morrow, on a visit to his father, whom he will inform of our movements, &c. From thence he purposes proceeding to Rabba, where he will stay till our arrival. Thermometer 76°, 87°, 90°, during the day.

Wednesday, Sept. 29th.—After our luggage had all been packed up this morning in readiness for our departure, and everything had been prepared for that purpose, word was brought us from the chief, that we should be unable to start till to-morrow, because the Niger, he said, would receive a great influx of water to-night, which would be considerably in our favour. As it rained heavily and incessantly nearly the whole of last night, and as we had continued heavy showers almost the[238] whole of this forenoon, we have made no complaint or fuss at our disappointment, but quietly await the coming of to-morrow. In the evening we were urgently solicited by the hospitable chief of Patàshie, for a charm to render him successful in all his shooting excursions, and in hunting the hippopotamus. This request was soon followed by a similar one from his brother. For ourselves we are obliged to follow the current of opinion, or consent to lose our credit and be regarded with detestation; and, as our charms are likely to be as effective as those of the Arabs, we sometimes oblige the natives in this respect. Thermometer 75°, 85°, 87°, during the day.

Thursday, Sept. 30th.—Between eight and nine o’clock in the morning, horses were brought us from the chief and his nephew, to take us to the water’s side, where the luggage had been previously conveyed. Here we waited a good while till canoes were brought from another part of the island, there being but one got ready at the time of our arrival. While we stood near the water’s edge, hundreds of people were collected there to look at us, and among them was a native Pagan priest, who was dressed more fantastically than any Merry-Andrew in Christendom. His clothing was manufactured almost solely of fine soft grass. His head and shoulders and part of his body were hid underneath an enormous thing, in shape like the roof of a hut, with a fringe and tassels of[239] stained grass. A tobe, made also of grass, excellently woven and of various colours, encircled his body, and reached as far as the knee; and the man wore likewise trowsers of the same material, and plaited in a similar manner, but this was unstained, and of the colour of dried grass; it was turned up at the ankles, though a deep fringe hung to the ground. He approached several individuals that were sitting on the turf, and stooping over them, the priest enveloped the upper part of their persons in his uncouth head-dress; shook it over them, which produced a strange rustling noise; screamed in a most frightful and unearthly tone; and then arose to perform the same barbarous ceremony to others.

The fetish at Patashie

When the canoes had arrived, and all our things had been removed into them from the beach, we were desired to ride to a landing-place further down the island, because of the rocks, which are reported to intercept the stream at a little distance from the place whereon we stood, and to be very dangerous for canoes which are heavily laden. But first of all we took a cordial farewell of the hearty old chief of Teàh, who had come over to see us before our departure. The venerable governor of Patàshie, to whom we are under so many obligations, then preceded us on the footway, walking with a staff; and we reached the appointed place of embarkation exactly at the same moment as the canoes. There we found a man and woman[240] sitting on a mat, which was placed on the grass, refreshing themselves with Guinea nuts and water; we partook of their fare by invitation, and as the canoes were waiting for us to come on board, we bade adieu, in the most expressive manner, to the good old chief of Patàshie, and thanking all the friends that had accompanied us thither, we jumped on board, and pushed off from the shore, cheered by the natives that were present.

The current bore us rapidly along, but we regretted to find the river again broken up by rocks and numerous small islands, which spoil its delightful appearance, and render it unnavigable. A few miles below Patàshie, are three islands, abreast of each other, and by no means destitute of beauty or verdure, which are called collectively Ràah. On one of them is a large trading town, and near it the canoemen landed to get some refreshment. We then continued our course for some time without meeting any obstacle to embarrass us; but afterwards, in order to get clear of a reef of rocks, we were obliged to make our way through an exceedingly narrow channel, overhung with the branches of trees, and more than half filled with rushes and tall luxuriant grasses. This brought us into the main river again, and having passed along in front of one or two towns on the banks of the river, we came in sight of Lever, which was the place of our destination, and where we landed at one o’clock, after rather a short excursion[241] from Patàshie of three hours. Lever may be distant from that island about twenty miles.

Our surprise was great indeed, when, instead of the proper person whom we expected would have received us, we were welcomed on shore by a man called Ducoo, and who represented himself as agent and confidential friend of the prince of Rabba; but this surprise was not a little increased on learning that a party of forty or fifty armed Falátah soldiers were also in the town. Ducoo, who is a Bornouese, treated us with the courtly politeness of a Frenchman, and was equally lavish in his compliments and his offers of service; he walked with us to the chief of the town, to whom he took the liberty of introducing us, almost before he himself knew who or what we were; went himself and procured excellent lodgings for us, returned and sat down in our company to tell us some droll stories, and impart to us in confidence some very disagreeable news; then hastily rose up, went out, and came back again with a sheep and other provisions, which he had obtained by compulsion from the chief, and finally remained with us till long after the moon had risen, when he left us to our repose. A man of such excessive volubility we never recollect to have met with; but at the same time he seems to be a most useful fellow.

This Lever, then, after all, does not belong to[242] the king of Wowow, though it stands on his dominions, nor has that monarch a single subject here, or a solitary canoe, so that we are as far from getting one as ever we were, and with the loss of our horses to boot. We have been cajoled and out-manœuvred very prettily by those fellows of Boossà and its adjoining state, whom we falsely conceived to be our dearest and best black friends. They have played with us as if we were great dolls; we have been driven about like shuttlecocks; we have been to them first a gazing-stock, and are now no doubt their laughing-stock, perhaps their mockery; we have been their admiration—their buffoons—their wonder and their scorn—a byword and a jest. Else why this double-dealing, this deceit, this chicanery, these hollow professions? Why did they entrap us in this manner? Why have they led us about as though we had been blind, only to place us in the very lap of what they imagine to be danger? For can it be possible that the monarchs of Wowow and Boossà were ignorant of the state of things here, which is in their own immediate neighbourhood, and which have continued the same essentially for these three years? Surely they have knowingly deceived us.

As soon as we were convinced that no canoe could be had in this place, as we have all along been led to expect, we conceived it prudent, under existing circumstances, to detain the two canoes[243] which were lent us this morning by the chief of Patàshie; one of them is tolerably large, and nearly new, but the other is of much smaller dimensions. However we are well aware that the king of Wowow has not yet paid for them, and we are afraid that he never will; and it grieves and saddens us beyond expression to do this thing; for the island ruler is a simple, kind-hearted, and good, very good old man. But what can we do? We have not the means of purchasing his canoes, for the king of Wowow has deprived us of them; our resources are nearly exhausted, and how should we be able to prosecute our journey? The Patàshie canoemen stoutly resisted our claims, as it is natural to suppose that they would. For our own parts we were actually ashamed to look them in the face; but our busy, restless friend, Ducoo, the priest, soon silenced their remarks by threatening to cut off the head of him who should presume from that time to set foot in either of the canoes. To give his menace the greater weight, he stationed two of his men, to guard the forbidden boats till the sun went down with drawn swords, and during the greater part of the night another of his men paraded up and down the banks of the river near the spot as a watch, and this man was continually playing upon a large drum.

We are furnished with four messengers, besides him from Nouffie, one of whom is from Boossà,[244] and the other three from Wowow. The office of these men is to see that everything promised us by their respective sovereigns be executed in pursuance of their agreement; but no one can be more intimidated or alarmed than they. They have scarcely dared to open their lips for the purpose of speaking since our arrival; they look as silly as sheep, sneak about our lodgings, and hang down their heads like prisoners under sentence of death. They are of no service whatever to us, rather a disadvantage in fact, but yet their wages must be paid them.

After the departure of Ducoo in the evening, the chief of the town came to pay his respects and to wish us good night. He related to us a pitiable account of the evils which he and his people had undergone, and were still enduring from the selfishness and rapacity of the Falátahs; ‘and they never pay us a visit,’ said he, ‘but my spirits droop within me, and my heart becomes heavy and sorrowful, for these foreigners come only to plunder and lay waste.’ The appearance of things at the present time seems to confirm this assertion, for a number of Falátahs are here for no other reason; and the melancholy of the chief’s countenance was an eloquent illustration of the embittered state of his heart and feelings. Thermometer 78°, 89°, 93°, during the day.

## [245]CHAPTER XIV.

State of the Town of Lever — The Falátahs — The Travellers’ Canoes claimed — Interference of Ducoo — Detention of the Travellers — Their departure from Lever — The Town of Bajiebo — Chiefs — Canoes of Bajiebo — Departure from Bajiebo — Scenery of the River — Town of Leechee — Visit to the Chief — The Passage continued down the River — Madjie Island — Mount Kesa — Land on Belee Island — Messenger from Rabba — Arrival of Suliken Rouah, or the King of the Dark Water — Grand Procession of Canoes down the River — Arrival at Zagōzhi[5] Island — Its swampy nature.

Friday, October 1st.—This morning, to our infinite relief, the four messengers from Wowow and Boossà spoken of yesterday, were paid for having accompanied us hither, and in the forenoon they left the town in company to go to Wowow. The Patàshie canoemen also received their wages at the same time, and embarked in two canoes a few minutes afterwards, on their return homewards, so that there only remains with us at present one of the Nouffie messengers who joined us at Boossà.

This town is called indiscriminately Lever and Layaba, though the latter name seems most generally applied here. Its population is great, and though it is very extensive, it has been built and[246] occupied a very few years only. Its inhabitants are all Nouffie people, and not long ago resided in a large village on the opposite side of the river; but on account of the civil wars which raged in their country, setting every man against his friend, and against his neighbour, when property was insecure, freedom threatened, and life in danger, they were driven to seek an asylum here, where they fancied themselves out of the influence of these evils, and beyond the reach of the Falátahs, of whom they have an unconquerable dread. Here accordingly they erected their dwellings, and cleared the adjacent ground for cultivation. However, the poor people were not left a great while to enjoy unmolested the security which they had been in quest of, and which they imagined they had found at Layaba, for three years ago their relentless enemies invaded their retreat, ransacked the town and destroyed their houses by fire. Fortunately for them the inhabitants had timely notice of the approach of these marauders, and succeeded in recrossing the river, just before their arrival, without the loss of a single man; nor could the Falátahs follow them there, because they had no canoes. But rather than have their property destroyed a second time, and rather than be liable to continual irruptions of their enemies, who would abuse their women and enslave themselves, after their return hither the people of Layaba consented[247] to pay a certain tribute to the prince of the Falátahs at Rabba, independent of a kind of ground-rent or acknowledgment, which is paid to the owner of the soil; so that a double duty is by this means exacted from them. Nor is this all: for parties of Falátahs, which are without employment at home, are generally prowling about the country, and levying contributions on those villages which are too feeble to resist their claims.

Such is the case here at this moment; the Falátahs entered the town on Wednesday to take from its peaceful inhabitants whatever they thought proper. These men are all extremely well-dressed, and are armed with large swords, which are carried about their persons wherever they go. It is likely enough that, in this town, their object, for the present at least, will be defeated, for it is affirmed that they are in terrible apprehension of us, understanding that we should interfere in their unjustifiable proceedings; and appearances seem to confirm this assertion.

This afternoon their party was assembled together by beat of drum, and they crossed the river in a hurry almost immediately after. Without asking our permission, or giving the slightest intimation of their intentions to either of us, they launched and took away the Patàshie canoe, which we call ours, and filled it with their people, which some one observing, he came running in haste to[248] our hut, and informed us that the Falátahs had stolen our largest canoe, and were taking it away. Unacquainted then with their true motives for this action, we were filled with apprehension, and believing the story which had been told us, my brother instantly repaired to the water-side, where he observed, sure enough, our canoe filled with Falàtahs, who were waiting the signal for starting. He was agitated at the insolence of the fellows, and ordered them to get out of the canoe immediately, or take the consequences. They were about to obey his commands, when our officious friend, Ducoo, the priest, stepped forward, put his hand upon his shoulder, and with his usual volubility, desired him to be cool, and he would tell him all. He then informed him that he had himself taken the liberty of launching the canoe for the use of his friends, made an apology for not asking permission, and said, that, after the Falátahs had crossed over on the other side, it should be brought back to us again. This satisfied my brother, and he left them, though he knew he had been telling a falsehood, for it was certainly his intention to send away the canoe, so that we should never have the use of it; but as Ducoo was to remain at Layaba a little longer, we had determined to keep him in ‘durance vile,’ till another, through his means, should be got for us.

In the mean time I had also repaired to the[249] water-side with a pistol, which so terrified the Falátahs, that those who were on shore jumped hastily into another canoe, and all of them stole away as fast as they could, in great trepidation, for they fancied that their end was come. The priest subsequently remarked, that since our arrival, they had been greatly alarmed on account of our presence, and that he had been unable to suppress their fears. Thinking to pay us a compliment, he said we were stronger and better looking than any chief in the whole country, with the exception of the sultan of Bornou. He is himself a tall handsome fellow, and was chuckling at his own ingenuity, but we took little notice of him, and gave him not so much as a needle for his remark. This same individual has begun to show himself in his true colours; in the morning he began begging with much importunity, not only for himself, but for others, nor would he be quieted until we had satisfied his covetousness; and he then laid claim to one of our canoes, which he had the impudence to offer us for sale, and entreated that we would purchase of him! Surely the man cannot be in earnest. This is impudence with a vengeance!

Another small party of Falátahs entered Layaba this afternoon. An hour or two since, one of them attempted to take away a bow and arrows from an inhabitant of the town, who disputed his[250] right to do so; but the Falátah enforced his demand by cutting him across the right shoulder with his sword. The wounded man saw the blood and wept, and ran away to make a complaint to his chief, who hearkened to his tale and pitied him. After a good deal of trouble, he caused the bow and arrows to be given back to their rightful owner, but he could do no more; he dared not punish the assailant for his crime, and he was suffered to boast of it at large. How different are these people from the peaceful and happy Falátahs in Yarriba and other countries, who spend their time solely in pastoral occupations and pursuits! Thermometer 76°, 85°, 87°, during the day.

Saturday, October 2d.—The chief sent us another fine sheep to-day, and a quantity of dressed provisions swimming in palm oil. He was induced to make us this present from Ducoo’s insinuations, who, no doubt, has his own private ends in view. The priest boasts an acquaintance with the late unfortunate Major Laing, and affirms that he was near the spot at the time of that gentleman’s death. He can also relate the whole of the circumstances attending the melancholy fate of Mr. Park and his associates. But this man is an eternal talker, and therefore we receive all his communications with extreme suspicion.

[251]In the afternoon a small party of men arrived here in a canoe from the chief of the island of Teàh, with a message to us, purporting that the canoes which we had, to his infinite surprise, detained at Layaba, did not belong, as we imagined, to his friend the Chief of Patáshie, but were his own property; and as he did not acknowledge the authority of Wowow, but had ever been subject to the King of Nouffie, he considered that we could have no right whatever to the canoes in question, and therefore he would entreat us to return them by the hands of his messengers. He had lent them, because he was willing to oblige us and please his neighbour; but he did not conceive or think it possible, that we could make so ungrateful and unkind a return for his hospitality, and the respect and attention which it had been his pride and pleasure to show us. For our own parts, we could not forbear acknowledging the truth and justice of the observations of the Teàh chieftain, and blaming ourselves for the step we had taken. We therefore expressed our deep and very sincere regret at the measure which we had, from a combination of circumstances, been compelled to adopt; yet we assured the chief messenger, a quiet, respectable man, that it was not altogether our own fault, (for indeed it was not,) as the Patáshie canoemen well knew, for the men of Wowow had forbidden them to take back the[252] boats, promising that their sovereign would pay for them, and the Falátah agent had prevented them from doing so. We said further, that whatever might be the consequence, we had not the slightest objection for the canoes to be restored to their rightful owner; and provided the men from Teàh could obtain the consent of the priest to take them away, they were at liberty to do so whenever they might think proper. But this they were by no means disposed to do, for they both feared and hated him; and therefore they bribed the Nouffie messenger with a large sum of money to assist them in their project, and purposed taking away both canoes in the night-season by stealth. However, their intentions were frustrated by the watchful vigilance of the priest, who had mistrusted them long before they were made known to us; and when he had actually detected their plans, he ordered the canoes to be pulled up on shore, two hundred yards at least from the water’s edge, and observed with vehemence, that after what he had done, should they be launched again into the water and taken away, he would instantly tie a rope round the necks of the chief of the town, and the Nouffie messenger that had accepted the bribe, and in that humiliating state, they should be driven like beasts to their sovereign, the Magīa.

In the evening, the inhabitants of the town[253] assembled outside our house to amuse themselves by dancing and singing in the moonlight; for, notwithstanding all their misfortunes and oppressions, they never refrain from indulging with all their hearts in these sprightly and thoughtless entertainments. Every dancer held in each hand a cow’s tail; they were all dressed grotesquely, and a great quantity of strings of cowries encircled their legs and bodies, which made a loud rattling noise by the violence and celerity of their movements. They sang as they danced, and excited, by the oddity of their gestures, loud clappings of applause, and bursts of laughter from all the bystanders. The spectacle was exceedingly ludicrous; we have rarely witnessed so much jocularity and thoughtless gaiety; and we have seldom laughed so much at any native exhibition. Though the performers panted from want of breath with their exertions, they yet continued their darling exercises, as is usual with them, till long after midnight.

Like many of their countrymen, and like the natives of Yarriba, the inhabitants of Layaba appear to bestow scarcely a moment’s reflection either on public misery or individual distress—upon their own misfortunes or the calamities of their neighbours. Nature has moulded their minds to enjoy the life they lead; their grief, if[254] they grieve at all, is but for a moment; sorrow comes over them and vanishes like the lightning’s flash; they weep, and, in the same breath, their spirits regain their elasticity and cheerfulness; they may well be said to drink of the waters of Lethe whenever they please. As long as they have food to eat, and health to enjoy their frivolous pastimes, they seem contented, happy, and full of life. They think of little else.—

‘Thought would destroy their paradise.’

Thermometer 77°, 88°, 90°, during the day.

Sunday, Oct. 3d.—We were desired yesterday to get our things packed up, and ourselves prepared, for that this morning we should quit the island to proceed on our journey. In pursuance of this arrangement we had got all our luggage in readiness, and only waited the coming of the chief to take our departure, when, to our great regret, one of his messengers entered our hut to apprize us that we should be unable to go away till to-morrow, his master having been dissuaded from his original purpose by the officious, bustling priest, our friend and enemy. We submitted to the disappointment as patiently and silently as we could; and in the evening we obtained a solemn promise, that whatever might be the consequence, no one should divert him from the resolution he had formed of detaining us no longer than to-day;[255] and that early to-morrow morning we should certainly depart. Thermometer 76°, 89°, 88°, during the day.

Monday, Oct. 4th.—Our surprise and displeasure may be guessed, when, after our goods had been removed from our hut into the yard outside, we were informed that we should be compelled to abide in the town yet another day, notwithstanding all that the chief had told us yesterday. Our patience was now completely exhausted; and we were in great anger, for it is disheartening to be always deceived and trifled with by such scoundrels. Repairing instantly to a hut, wherein we knew the chief passed most of his time, we discovered him sitting on the ground in company with the artful Ducoo and our Nouffie messenger, and engaged in a very high dispute with both of them. Our unexpected and abrupt intrusion, and angry looks, cut short their wrangling; and we spoke with much emphasis of the shameful manner in which we had been treated, and expressed our determination of leaving Layaba presently, in defiance of them and all their power. With the most insolent effrontery in the world, the priest smiled at us, and replied, that we were entirely in his power—that we should do as he liked, and quit the town whenever he thought proper. Such language as this we thought was rather too bold; we pretended to be in a violent passion, and[256] quickly undeceived him in this point, threatening, that if either he, or any of his men, should presume to interfere with us in our intentions or proceedings, or attempt to hinder us from getting away from the town, we should feel no more hesitation or reluctance in shooting him than if he had been a partridge or a Guinea-hen! The priest, who had never before seen anything in us but mildness, was intimidated at the determined and resolute behaviour we had found it necessary to adopt: he was crest-fallen in a moment, and, from being one of the most boisterous and consequential fellows in the world, became quite passive; yet his presence of mind did not forsake him: he stammered out a kind of apology, attempted to soothe us by soft language and submission, in which he found little difficulty, and did all in his power to effect a reconciliation. Having settled this business, we went out, and assembling our men, attempted to draw our canoe to the river side, but the ground was even, and the boat so long and heavy, that notwithstanding all our exertions we could move her only a few inches towards the river. The people were ashamed of themselves to see us labouring so hard, and to so little purpose; and the priest, likewise, observing us, was convinced that we were in earnest: therefore, whispering a few words in the ear of the chief, they both came down to the spot where we[257] were toiling at the canoe, followed by a number of men; these, with the priest at their head, took the work out of our hands, and in less than two minutes the boat was floating on the water. Our luggage was then conveyed into the two canoes, and shortly afterwards we were supplied with three men to paddle them with the assistance of our own. Here we took our farewell of the chief and the priest, the latter begging us very anxiously to speak well of him to his sovereign at Rabba.

It was not till after we were all in the canoes, and ready to push off, that those on shore discovered them to be overladen, and recommended us to hire one, of immense size, which was lying alongside. Without stopping to make them any reply, or listen to any further nonsense, we desired our own men to push the boats out into the middle of the current, which they did very promptly, and the town of Layaba, with its chief, and inhabitants, was speedily out of sight, and soon forgotten. This was about nine o’clock in the morning, so that, after all, we had lost but little time in getting away.

The banks of the river near Lever are high, being, according to our estimation, about forty feet above the river, and steep to the water-side. The river itself appeared deep, and free from rocks of any kind; its direction nearly south. We ran down the stream very pleasantly for twelve or[258] fourteen miles, the Niger, during the whole of the distance, rolling grandly along—a noble river, neither obstructed by islands, nor deformed with rocks and stones. Its width varied from one to three miles; the country on each side was very flat, and a few mean, dirty-looking villages were scattered on the water’s edge. We then came to two small islands; the land appeared more elevated, and in some few places it rose in gentle hills. We observed three remarkable and lofty hills on the eastern side, which rose very abruptly from the plain, and were separated from each other only by a few yards of ground. Both banks of the river were overhung with large shady trees, between which we could perceive the land behind to be open and well-cultivated; and, if we may be allowed to form an opinion from the number of towns and villages which were scattered over the country, we should conceive it to be thickly inhabited also.

At one o’clock, P.M., we landed at a considerably large and spacious town, called Bajiebo, which is inhabited by Nouffie people, though it is situated on the Yarriba or western side of the river. For dirt, bustle, and nastiness of all kinds, this place, we think, can scarcely be exceeded. For two hours after our arrival we were obliged to wait in a close and diminutive hut, till a more convenient and becoming habitation could be procured[259] for our reception, and the pleasure of the chief with regard to us should be known. Here we were visited by a number of the inhabitants, consisting both of Falàtahs and Noufanchie (Nouffie people). Among the former was a sagacious and intelligent old man, who has travelled a long, long way on the Niger, even beyond Timbuctoo; and he states, that that town is several miles from the banks of the river. We were sadly incommoded by these visitors, who scarcely allowed us to move or breathe; which, joined to the heat of the weather and the insufferable stench, rendered our situation truly comfortless and distressing.

We were at length removed from this horrible hole, and conducted to a hut in the heart of the town, in which wood fires had been burning the whole of the day, so that the wall was almost as warm as the sides of a heated oven, insomuch that it could hardly be endured. Yet, to render it more unpleasant still, a large, closely-woven mat was placed before the door-way, in order to prevent a thousand eyes from staring in upon us; this excluded every breath of air. Our feelings, during the whole of the night, were more distressing than can be conceived: we were almost suffocated with the closeness and intense heat of the room; and dreamt that we were being baked alive in an oven. It appears that this town is[260] governed by two chiefs, separate and distinct from each other, one of whom is a Nouffie man, and the other a Falàtah; for in the afternoon, each of these individuals sent us a bowl of rice as a present.

Bajiebo is a flourishing and important trading town although not walled, and one of the largest and most populous that we have yet seen. A considerable traffic is carried on by its inhabitants with their countrymen on the opposite side of the river, for which purpose they have a great number of canoes of large dimensions, which are continually employed every day in crossing from side to side. Their huts are erected so close to each other, and with so little regard to comfort and a free circulation of air, that there is scarcely a foot-path in the town wide enough for more than one man to walk on at a time: and not having the advantage of shady trees, the heat of the town is excessive and distressing. Its uncleanness, filth, and extreme nastiness have already been alluded to; and the odour emitted from the dirty streets is offensive, and almost insupportable. The people formerly inhabited a town on the opposite bank of the Niger, but as was the case with those of Layaba, they were induced, or rather compelled to settle here, on account of the commotions occasioned by the civil wars, and like them, too, they have been found out by their greatest enemies.

Nouffie Canoe

[261]The power of the Falàtahs here is evidently very great. One of their number is styled chief, and has more authority and influence than the native Ruler. We have been obliged to make a present to each of these individuals, and other high and mighty personages were likewise desirous of obtaining a similar favour at our hands, but we made light of their conversation and would not understand their enigmas.

We have seen to-day several large canoes, the bottom of which is made of a single tree and built up with planks to a considerable height. In many of them sheds, or houses as they are called, have been erected, which are thatched with straw, and in which fires are kindled, food prepared, and people sleep, and indeed live altogether. The roof is circular, and formed in much the same manner as the upper part of a covered waggon in England. These sheds are of the most essential service to the natives, as, with their assistance, merchants are enabled to travel with some degree of comfort, with their wives and household, several days’ journey up and down the Niger, without being under the necessity of landing, except to purchase provisions, or whenever they feel inclined to do so. As the people have nothing that equals or answers to pitch, hemp, or tar, they use iron staples for the purpose of repairing it and keeping the planks together when a canoe becomes leaky,[262] or any part of it, as it frequently happens, is split by exposure to the rays of the sun. We have seen an old canoe, which had undergone repairs several times, with no less than from eight to ten thousand of these staples driven into her sides and bottom.

Our course to-day has been about S.b.E. The thermometer has been at 70°, 90° and 95°.

Tuesday, October 5th.—Before sunrise this morning, our luggage was removed to the beach, and between six and seven o’clock we were once more upon the water. Just below the town of Bajiebo the Niger spreads itself into two noble branches, of nearly equal width, formed by an island. We preferred journeying on the eastern branch, but for no particular reason. The country beyond the banks was very fine. The island in the middle of the river, is small, but verdant, woody, and handsome; and we passed by the side of it in a very few minutes, with considerable velocity. It was then that both banks presented the most delightful appearance. They were embellished with mighty trees and elegant shrubs, which were clad in thick and luxuriant foliage, some of lively green, and others of darker hues; and little birds were singing merrily among their branches. Magnificent festoons of creeping plants, always green, hung from the tops of the tallest trees, and drooping to the water’s edge, formed immense natural grottoes, pleasing and grateful to the eye, and seemed to be[263] fit abodes for the Naiades of the river! Yet with all its allurements there is something wanting in an African scene to render it comparable in interest and beauty to an English landscape.

‘By secret charms our native land attracts.’

There is nothing here half so attractive or inspiring. It is seldom, very seldom, that the morn is ushered in by the ‘song of earliest birds;’ which is so eminently enchanting at home, and which induces so much happiness and cheerfulness, benevolence and joy. Here there are no verdant fields, nor hedges, adorned with the jessamine, the daisy, the primrose, the blue-bottle, or the violet, and the hundred other pretty wild flowers, which please the sight, and exhale in spring-time or summer the most grateful and delicious fragrance. No flowers here

‘Waste their sweetness in the desert air,’

for not a solitary one is any where to be seen. Besides, generally speaking, a loneliness, a solemnity, a death-like silence pervades the noblest and most magnificent prospects, which has a tendency to fill the mind with associations of sadness, and reflections of melancholy, very opposite to the silent cheerfulness, and that internal springing joy which we feel on contemplating those goodly and charming landscapes, which are the pride, the beauty, and the ornament of England. To look at the cleanliness of our cottages, and the[264] tidiness of their occupants is pleasant; but when the dirty mud huts of the natives of this part of the world, with the people themselves, do appear, in our opinion, they banish every favourable impression, and destroy the effect of all.

In the course of an hour after leaving Bajiebo, we passed by two towns of considerable extent, and a hill was observed right a-head of us, covered with trees, one of which was of such singular appearance, that it might easily be mistaken at a short distance for a tall pole, with a flag unfurled, and waving at the top of it.

At a little before eight in the morning, we saw, and passed along at the base of a high pile of loose granite rocks, large and dark-coloured, which are on the Nouffie or eastern side of the river; and almost close to them and on the edge of the water is a small town. In about a half-hour afterwards we arrived at an extensive town, situated on the same side, and called Leechee, which is inhabited by Noufanchie, and said to be a place of considerable rank and consequence. Here we landed by express desire, and finding an empty grass hut near the spot, we entered and took possession of it till such time as the chief should be made acquainted with our arrival. Here also our canoe-men left us and returned to Bajiebo, where we had hired them.

We were not suffered to wait long, but in a few[265] minutes received an invitation from the chief to come and see him; and having walked through a good part of the town, we at length approached his residence, and were introduced without ceremony or hindrance into a large and lofty hut, where we discovered the chief sitting on a platform of mud, in great state, with about forty natives and Falàtahs in earnest conversation on each side of him. He received us with great civility and many demonstrations of gladness, and desired us to draw near his person, that he might have a better opportunity of looking at and talking to us. However he appeared unwilling for us to quit Leechee till to-morrow, and pressed us strongly to remain with him for the day, which, however, not all his solicitations and importunities could induce us to accede to. A Falàtah then commenced a long and pithy harangue, in which he endeavoured to prejudice the chief and those that were with him against us, and to fill their minds with alarm and apprehension, on account of our malevolence, and the extraordinary power which he said we possessed; but his eloquence was unavailing, for we had the consolation to hear one of his own companions and countrymen desire him to hold his tongue, and mind his own business, and consequently his remarks were soon forgotten.

We had provided ourselves with a small present for the chief on our first setting out for his residence,[266] but after what we had seen and heard, we fancied that it was too trifling, and feared that it would be returned as such by the chief, and that we should be exposed to abuse and ribaldry from those that were with him; therefore something was added to the gift before we presented it. We then took our leave of him and his people, and instantly made our way back to the water-side, where we waited in the grass hut, what appeared to us to be a long, long time, for the appearance of the canoemen with whom the chief had promised to supply us. In this interval, the governor sent us a pot of honey, a couple of fine lemons, and a few limes. After a considerable delay, a man for each canoe could only be procured for us, so that two of our own people were obliged to supply the place of others as well as they could.

The width of the Niger at Leechee is about three miles, and the inhabitants have plenty of canoes for the purpose of crossing the river, for fishing, and for other purposes. About half-past ten we got into our canoes, which we pushed off the shore, and proceeded at a good rate down the stream, along the side of a considerable island, which is within gun-shot of the town; and after passing a large open village, of respectable appearance, which is on the western bank, we put in at a small town, a few miles below, also on the Yarriba side of the river, where we were constrained[267] to go in quest of other canoemen, because those from Leechee, though they had been with us only forty minutes, and had certainly not laboured very hard, had refused to proceed with us any further, nor could all our enticements induce them to forego this resolution. Here we were detained in our canoes and exposed to the sun for an hour and a half, in order to obtain fresh canoemen, the inhabitants of the town being absent in the fields.

Immediately after leaving this town we passed another island, of goodly appearance, but we understand it is uninhabited. We then came in sight of a double range of rocky hills, one of which is close to the water, and both running from north-east to nearly due south. At one P.M. we were again obliged to put in and land at a small village, which is situated on an island, for an exchange of canoemen, for, like those from Leechee, these were unwilling to go a great way from their homes. In an hour’s time a number of the islanders came down to us, and paddled us to the opposite side of the river, and from thence along the base of the hills already alluded to. The appearance of these hills is wild and gloomy, though highly romantic. Trees of hungry growth and stunted shrubs, whose foliage seemed for the most part dull and withering, shoot out of the hollows and interstices, and overhang immense precipices,[268] whose jagged summits they partly conceal. Indeed, these hills look dismal and lonesome in the extreme, and seem to be visited only by wild beasts and birds of prey, or by the shadow of a passing cloud, which serves to increase, if possible, their dreariness and gloom. On the top of one of them is a huge and singular block of white stone, which, at a certain distance, greatly resembles an ancient fortification. We arrived at the end of our journey, and the termination of the nearer range of hills, between four and five o’clock in the afternoon, when we landed at a fishing-town on a small island, which is called Madjie, and belongs to the Noufanchie. Here we were received with cheerfulness by the chief, who accommodated us with a roomy hut, sent us a quantity of dressed provisions, and otherwise treated us in the most hospitable manner. The banks of the river that we have passed to-day are high, and well cultivated. The direction of the river rather to the eastward of south, and the distance from this island to Bajiebo about thirty miles. The thermometer has been at 78°, 92°, 94°, during the day.

Wednesday, Oct. 6th.—About seven o’clock in the morning we departed from the island of Madjie, where we had slept, and pursued our journey down the river, which for a short distance takes a turn to the east, by the side of another[269] range of hills, and afterwards flows for a number of miles a little to the southward of east. Near the island of Madjie, the Niger branches into three streams, and we were recommended to follow the most easterly, because the other two were neither considered so deep nor so free from danger.

On leaving the island we journeyed very rapidly down the current for a few minutes, when, having passed another, we came suddenly in sight of an elevated rock, which is called Mount Kesa by the natives, and almost at the same instant we found ourselves abreast of it. It forms a small island, and is probably not less than three hundred feet in height, which renders it a conspicuous and remarkable object. It is excessively steep, and rising out of the river as it does, its appearance is irresistibly imposing and majestic beyond expression. Its base is fringed by venerable trees, and less magnificent vegetation, which also strives to spring forth from its barren and almost naked sides. The height of Mount Kesa, its solitary position, and the peculiarity of its form, distinguish it from every other, and render it an object of more than common interest. It is greatly venerated by the natives of this part of the country, and, as may readily be imagined, favours the superstitious notions which are attached to it by a simple and credulous people, who, like the[270] vulgar of Europe, are fond of the marvellous. The story attached to Mount Kesa is of a very romantic nature. The natives believe that a benevolent genius makes the mountain his favourite and continual abode, and dispenses around him a benign and heavenly influence. Here the misfortunes of the unhappy are alleviated, the wants of the needy supplied, and the lamentations of the mourner turned to joy: sin, sorrow, and suffering are unknown; solemnity gives place to merriment, and the solicitude of futurity to present enjoyment and thoughtless jocularity. But more especially, say the natives, the weary traveller here finds a refuge from the storm, and a rest from his toils; here he reposes in the delights of security, and revels in the comforts of ease. However, to obtain all this, he makes known his wants and desires to the spirit of the mountain by supplication and prayer, when they are instantly answered; he receives the most delicate and excellent food from invisible hands, and when sufficiently invigorated by refreshment, he is at liberty either to continue his journey or remain awhile to participate in the blessings of the mountain. Such is the story we received from these superstitious people of this celebrated mount. A little to the northward of it is a naked rock, which rises only a few yards above the surface of the water; but from its insignificance it is unworthy of particular description.

Mount Kesey

[271]A canoe, in which was a Mahomedan priest, with his women and train, kept company with us down the river, and Rabba was the place of its destination. A very spirited competition was for some time maintained between his canoemen and ours, in regard to the velocity with which they could impel their respective boats; but that of the priest was three times larger and heavier than ours, and he was at length constrained to forego the contest, the odds being so very much against him. This created a loud laugh and a little cheering on our side, and much merriment on both. All the canoes then proceeded abreast of each other, and the whole of the party were on the best possible terms. The priest’s wives strove to entertain us to the best of their ability with specimens of their music. One of them played on a four-stringed guitar, and her companions accompanied the instrument with their voices; and though the noise was not very melodious, still it was more agreeable to us than silence; indeed, we were highly pleased with the attempt of these sooty ladies, for how rude soever the performance may be, music has oftentimes a pleasant and soothing influence.

At nine in the morning we landed near a small town to procure a fresh supply of canoemen, and we waited for them above an hour, without visiting the adjacent village. As soon as we had obtained[272] them we journeyed along the eastern side of the river; and, at eleven A.M., perceived the smoke of the far-famed Rabba ascending many miles before us. In another half-hour we drew near an island, called Belee, which is exceedingly low, flat, and swampy. Here we stopped at a large, but mean and dirty-looking town, which stands close to the water’s edge.

We were shortly introduced to the chief, who is a great, rich, and important personage, if we may believe the representations of our messenger. He informed us, that Mohamed, the Magīa’s son, who had left us at Patàshie, had returned from his father, in pursuance of his agreement, but, instead of remaining at Rabba, as we expected, he had come over to Belee, and been waiting three days on the island, in expectation of our arrival. However, having heard in the earlier part of the morning that we were to have slept at Madjie last night, he instantly left Belee in a canoe, and proceeded up the river to meet us. For ourselves we had neither heard nor seen anything either of him or his canoe. The governor further said, you will be obliged to remain at Belee till Mohamed’s return to the island, for he has news of importance to communicate to you; to-morrow morning you will leave hence, and proceed to another island, which is further down the river, wherein it is arranged that you shall abide till your affairs be[273] finally adjusted. There was some mystery about this, which was unexpected and not very gratifying.

It was nearly evening before Mohamed returned to Belee, and he came to us in a dripping state, with an excuse that he had been upset in his canoe two or three times. After the first salutations were over, he informed us of his visit to his father, and its result. The Magīa had desired him to assure us of his ‘best wishes in our welfare, and his determination to protect, support, and encourage us, as far as he was able.’ Mohamed then drew our attention to a young man who had entered the hut with him, but whom we had not before observed, and introduced him as a messenger sent to us by the Falàtah prince of Rabba. This man said that his master, named Mallam Dendo, had commissioned him to acquaint us, that he heartily concurred with the king of Nouffie in the favourable opinions and sentiments which the latter entertained for us. With respect to our visiting Rabba, which he understood we were very much disinclined to do, he should not urge us; and rather imagined that we should be more comfortable and enjoy greater tranquillity on an island on the opposite side of the river, where he would recommend us to stop. The chief of Belee had previously made us acquainted with this arrangement. The Falàtah messenger concluded by[274] observing that we should be visited on the morrow by the ‘King of the Dark Water!’ who would escort us to the island in question, of which he is governor.

In the evening the chief of Belee made us a present of a quantity of goora nuts, a large pot of honey, a sheep, and dressed provisions in abundance, with a huge calabash of sour beer. He boasted that he was the king of Nouffie’s head slave, and a mighty man of valour; and artfully insinuated that he expected a present from us in proportion to his rank and eminence. But we have seen such numbers of kings, princes, and great men lately, that we are heartily disgusted with all who bear the epithet; they are so numerous, that they would be as difficult to count as the drops of rain in a heavy shower.

The thermometer has been at 79°, 92°, and 94° during the day.

The course of the river from Madjie to this island has been to the S.E., the distance about twelve miles. The eastern or Nouffie bank of the river is moderately high, and overspread with low hills, and both banks are well cultivated.

Thursday, October 7th.—So early as five o’clock in the morning our canoes were loaded, and having breakfasted on a slice of yam, we were fully prepared to quit the island. But as it was not deemed either politic or proper to go away till the arrival[275] of the great King of the Dark Water, who was hourly expected, and who might be inclined to construe our departure into contempt, we consented to await his coming. Though we have been exposed to a thousand nuisances, and all manner of inconveniences, and are pretty well reconciled to them all, yet rather than remain in a close black hut, full of men, whose garments are generally covered with vermin, and rarely, if ever, cleaned, and who make it a common practice to sit on the mat whereon we sleep; rather than do this, we stepped into our canoes, and having pushed off from the land, we waited the islander’s arrival under the branches of a large tree at a little distance from the town.

Between nine and ten, A.M., we heard a number of men singing, and keeping time to the motion of many paddles, but we could see no one. However, in a very few minutes, a canoe, which was paddled by a few men only, came in sight, and we knew by this that the Water King was approaching. It was instantly followed by another, and much larger one, propelled by above twenty very fine young men, whose voices we had been listening to just before, and who were still continuing their song. Their music was slower, but very similar to that which may be heard on many parts of the western coast. The King of the Dark Water was with them. As the canoe drew nearer[276] we were not only surprised at its extraordinary length and uncommon neatness, but likewise at the unusual display of pomp and show which we observed in her. In the centre a mat awning was erected, which was variously decorated, and on the front of it hung a large piece of scarlet cloth, ornamented with bits of gold lace stitched on different parts of it. In the bow of the canoe were three or four little boys, of equal size, who were clad with neatness and propriety; and in the stern sat a number of comely-looking musicians, consisting of several drummers and a trumpeter, whilst the young men who had the management of the boat were not inferior to their companions either in decency of apparel or respectability of appearance. They all looked in fact extremely well.

As soon as this canoe arrived at the landing-place, the ‘Water King’ came out from beneath the awning, and, followed by the musicians and a suite of attendants, walked to the hut wherein all public matters are transacted, and whither, in a few minutes, we ourselves were desired to repair. The chief of the island, with his elders and the more respectable of the people, were seated, on our entrance, on each side of their important visitor, and my brother and I, as a mark of distinction, were invited to place ourselves in front of him. When the usual compliments had passed on both[277] sides, he informed us, with much solemnity, of his rank and title; he then alluded to the cause of his coming, which, he said, was to do us honour, and repeated what had previously been told us by the king’s son. This being done, he presented us with a pot of excellent honey, and two thousand cowries in money, besides a large quantity of goora nuts, which are cultivated in the country, and which are held in so great esteem, that the opulent and powerful alone have the means of procuring them. Having nothing further to say or do, we shook hands with his sable majesty, whose name is Suliken Rouah, expressed our acknowledgments for his handsome present, and returned to our boats.

The ‘King of the Dark Water’ is a fine-looking man, well stricken in years; his skin as black as a coal; his features are coarse but benevolent, and his stature advantageous and commanding. He was dressed in a full bornouse, or Arab cloak, of inferior blue cloth, underneath which was a variegated tobe made of figured satin, country cloth and crimson silk damask, all patched together; he likewise wore a cap of red cloth, Hàussa trowsers, and sandals of coloured leather. Two pretty little boys, about ten years of age and of equal size, and who acted in capacity of pages, followed him into the hut. Their clothing was neat and becoming, and their persons nicely clean; each of[278] them was furnished with an ornamented cow’s tail, and they stood one on his right hand and the other on his left, to brush away flies and other insects from his person, and supply him with goora nuts and tobacco. The king was also accompanied by six of his wives, fine handsome jet-black girls, dressed in neat country caps edged with red silk. Native cloths, made of cotton and silk, were fastened round their waists, beneath which they wore a sort of short frock. The usual custom of staining their fingers and toe-nails with henna appears to be general among them; their wrists were ornamented with neat silver bracelets, and their necks with coral necklaces.

To such a man as the ‘Water King,’ with such a suite and such a title, the greatest honour is expected to be paid, and we therefore showed our respect by saluting him with a discharge from two or three muskets; and by waiting patiently his return from the council-hut, wherein he stayed two whole hours, during which we were sitting in our canoes, exposed to a very hot sun, for we had removed them from under the tree by the side of his own.

It was exactly mid-day when Suliken Rouah re-embarked in his princely canoe, and quitted the island of Belee. Determined for once to make an attempt at a more respectable appearance, for heretofore it had been extremely mean and homely,[279] we hastily constructed an awning of our sheets. It was the first time we had made use of such a thing, though we are without umbrellas, and till then had nothing but slight straw hats to protect our heads from the sun. Above the awning we elevated a slender staff, on the top of which we fastened our national colours, the union flag, which was kindly given us by a gentleman on the coast, who was commandant of Anamaboo. When unfurled and waving in the wind, it looked extremely pretty, and it made our hearts glow with pride and enthusiasm, as we looked on this solitary little banner. We thought it would be of service to us also if we made as gay an appearance as the king and his followers; and accordingly I put on an old naval uniform coat which I had with me for state occasions, and my brother also dressed himself in as grotesque and gaudy a manner as our resources would afford. Our eight attendants also put on new white Mahomedan tobes, so that our canoe, with its white awning surmounted by the union flag, our canoemen in new dresses, and ourselves appearing as officers, contributed not a little to the effect of the whole scene. ‘The august King of the Dark Water,’ with his retinue in twenty canoes, condescendingly gave us the precedence, and ours was the first that moved off from land, and led the way down the river towards Rabba.

[280]For a little while we continued to take the lead, but the chief soon went before us, for two reasons: First, that he might have an opportunity of looking at us; and secondly, that we might have a fairer chance of seeing him in all his state, for which purpose he had placed himself outside his awning on an elevated and conspicuous seat. However he only wished to get a few yards before us, for his canoemen soon lifted their paddles out of the water, and the boat fell back to its former situation. This going before and falling behind was done repeatedly. The musicians in the large canoe performed merrily on their instruments, and about twenty persons now sung at intervals in recitative, keeping excellent time with their paddles.

A brisk wind sprung up the river full in our faces, relieving us from the extreme heat of the weather, which was remarkably fine; the scene before us was very animating, and the whole of us were in high glee and spirits. Other canoes joined us; and never did the British flag lead so extraordinary a squadron. The ‘King of the Dark Water’ might be mistaken for a river god; and his wives now and then showing their pretty black faces from under the awning, cast many an arch look at us with their sparkling, jetty eyes. It was not long before our reverie was interrupted by a great noise from the adjacent land; and on turning we perceived the banks of an[281] island, called Zagōzhi, which were lined with numbers of people, admiring our flag, and watching us very earnestly, by which we guessed that this was the place of our destination. The island is so uncommonly low, that the houses and trees appeared as if they were standing in the water, as indeed many of them actually were. Here we arrived, and landed between one and two P.M., having enjoyed a pleasant excursion of eight or nine miles. Ours being the first canoe, before we landed on the island we waited for the king to precede us, and the moment he set his foot on shore, we fired a salute of four muskets and three pistols. Suliken Rouah was rather alarmed at this, and demanded whether we were going to make war on him. He was soon relieved from his fear, by being told it was an honour that we had been in the habit of paying to all the princes we had met in our travels; which he no sooner understood, than he expressed himself much gratified by our attention. Suliken Rouah went in person in quest of a dwelling-house, and led us to one of the best which the island affords; however, it is miserably bad; for, as the town is built on a marsh, every hut in it has the disadvantage, during the whole of the rainy season, of soft damp floors and uncomfortable roofs. Our own has positively pools of water springing up out of the ground, and on this we shall be obliged to[282] sleep. The walls of the huts are built of mud from the river, strengthened and supported by wooden pillars and ribs of the same materials: however, these do not prevent them from cracking in a hundred different places; and large chinks, admitting wind and rain, may be observed in the wall of every hut. They all have, indeed, invariably, a very dirty and wretched appearance, though their inmates, generally speaking, are understood to be opulent, clean, and respectable. Having conducted us to our hut, the chief of the island shook hands very heartily with us, and assured us that we should want nothing. He soon provided us with doors of bamboo for our hut, and a number of mats to spread on the floor, which made it tolerably comfortable. In the evening, four large calabashes of stewed rice, with fowls and no less than ten gallons of pitto or country beer were sent us. About seven in the evening, messengers arrived from Rabba, to inform us that they should come early in the morning for the presents we intended for the chief. They said that the king would not put us to the trouble of going to see him, as the town is full of Arabs, whose begging propensities would be very inconvenient to us. I was much pleased with this intelligence, knowing very well the character of these Arabs; and I sent word back that I was much obliged to him, and should be still more so[283] if he would dispense with my going to the sansan or camp at a short distance from the town to visit the King of Nouffie.

Rabba is opposite Zagōzhi, and appears from hence, a distance of two miles, to be an immensely large, populous, and flourishing town. It is built on the slope of a gentle hill, and on a spot almost entirely bare of trees. The Niger, both yesterday and to-day, has flowed in a direction to the south of east.

## [284]CHAPTER XV.

Stay at Zagōzhi — Presents sent to the Chiefs of Rabba — An old but troublesome acquaintance — Presents from the Kings of Nouffie and Rabba to the Travellers — Importunities of the King’s messengers — An Arab merchant — Policy of the Falátah Chief, Mallam Dendo, in securing the possession of his conquests — Former Expedition of the Falátahs against Funda — Rabba market — The King of Rabba discontented with his present — Consternation of the Travellers — Park’s tobe sent to him — Joy of the King on receiving it — Permission to proceed — Treacherous conduct of the King of Nouffie — The King of Rabba’s answer — Conversation among the Hàussa merchants — Mallam Dendo the former King of Rabba — His character — Rabba market — Island of Zagōzhi — The islanders expert canoemen — Manufactures of Zagōzhi — Promise of a canoe.

Friday, October 8th.—Mallam Dendo, the cousin of Bello, we find is still living, but in a very old and feeble condition. He is besides nearly blind, and thinks he has not many more years to live. Being a cautious, peaceful old man, his chief concern is to establish his son as his successor, and fearing that there might be some dispute about it after his death, has already given up to him the reins of government. The usual form on these occasions will be observed, and is to take place on the first day of the new[285] moon. The son is to ride through all the streets of the town on his father’s white horse, preceded by all the principal people of Rabba, attended by trumpeters, &c., and thus proclaimed king.

Early in the morning, the messengers from the chiefs mentioned yesterday arrived, bringing with them two fine sheep and a great quantity of rice. They were accompanied by a messenger from the general, a Bornou man, with another sheep. We are obliged to accept of this latter much against our inclination, for it will cost us ten times its value, but it is a treat that we have not had since we left Yàoorie. It appears that we shall be required to give presents to nine persons before we shall get away from this place.

Having prepared the presents, I collected the messengers and laid out before each of them those that were intended for their masters; they expressed themselves pleased with them, and assured us that their masters would be also. In order to make them some reward, and secure their good will, I gave something to each, and dismissed them. We also sent away Mohamed, his countryman and associate, the Nouffie guide, who had accompanied us hither all the way from Boossà. The presents we have made, consist of a handsome looking-glass, with a gilt frame, a pair of silver bracelets; a snuff-box, tobacco-pipe, knife, razor, two pair of scissors, four new shillings, and a[286] number of books on natural history, with plates. Besides these, we sent the King of Nouffie a pocket compass, and the Prince of Rabba a camera obscura, desiring each of the messengers to inform their sovereigns that the latter articles were invaluable, but that owing to the length of our journey, and the few things which were left us in consequence, we were compelled to part with them—only, however, till such time as we should return to the country again, when we hoped they would be given back to us, for a handsome present which we should bring for the purpose. Mohamed and the Falàtah messenger promised to return to Zagōzhi in a couple of days; but the Nouffie guide, a surly, ill-favoured, and dissatisfied man, has no wish to see us again, and therefore he will remain at home. The old ‘King of the Dark Water,’ and after him several of his people paid us a visit to-day, bringing with them an enormous quantity of bits of meat and pounded yam, boiled or stewed in palm oil, and abundance of less delicate provisions; and strong beer sufficient for a regiment of soldiers! A Hàussa interpreter followed in his train, so that we had no difficulty in understanding each other; but those who subsequently visited our dwelling were not quite so fortunate, and we could not comprehend a single word which they uttered. Having brought their offering of provisions and beer in[287] huge pots and calabashes, and laid it at our feet, they wished very much to enter into conversation with us, and were much confused and disconcerted at our ignorance of the Nouffie language, and our apparent dulness of comprehension; at first, they stared at us in vacant astonishment, then looked at each other very cunningly, and afterwards looked into our faces again. Finding at length that either we could not, or would not, understand their words and gestures, they burst into a loud laugh and went away, leaving their pots and calabashes behind them. These men were extremely well dressed, and respectable in their appearance.

Saturday, October 9th.—This morning we were visited by two young men, Arabs from Rabba, who had come, they said, purposely and solely to pay their respects; but in reality, the object of their coming was very different from this, as shortly afterwards appeared. On their entrance into the yard of our hut, one of them, a little, short, disagreeable-looking man, uttering a sudden exclamation of joy, sprang forward, and clasped me with violence to his breast, kissing my shoulder, hands, head, cheeks, and beard with much eagerness, agreeably to the custom of his countrymen on such occasions, and also of the Israelites, as well as many other eastern nations; and having done this, he next proceeded to embrace my brother in the same rough hasty manner, but his[288] compliments were equally as unexpected as they were unpleasant. The Arab, as may be supposed, was very eager to claim acquaintance with me, and to bring to my memory certain scenes which had taken place on my former journey through Hàussa. Having in some degree recovered from my surprise at his salutation, on looking at him more attentively, I recognized in him the very same individual that had been employed by Captain Clapperton, whom he had abused and cheated, and who was subsequently engaged by myself as guide from Kano. He is the person also that decamped with Captain Pearce’s sword, and a large sum of money in cowries, when I sent him back to Kano for the tent-poles, which he had forgotten till after he had been several miles on his journey, and since which time I had not seen him till to-day. His appearance is somewhat uncouth and remarkable; his figure is awkward and uncommonly diminutive; he has a most forbidding and intolerable squint; his mouth is turned awry; and he has a huge and unnatural excrescence jutting out from his chin, which adds not a little to the deformity of his countenance and appearance. Therefore it was not very pleasant to be embraced, and almost hugged to death, by such a man as this. His companion is a pale, handsome, and agreeable youth, and is different from the other; in our[289] presence his behaviour was decent, and his manners rather timorous and reserved; and when the villany of his associate was exposed, he felt more abashed of the two. My brother instantly accused the fellow of his former infidelity, and told him he was surprised that he could have the impudence to visit and salute him in the manner he had done, after what had transpired between them. Instead of expressing his sorrow and contrition, the Arab made light of his offence, and endeavoured to laugh off the impression of it altogether; and then in the most abject manner begged everything he saw with so much importunity and selfishness, that we were out of all temper with the scoundrel, and I turned him out of the hut in disgust. However, he could not believe it possible that we were in earnest with him, and waited outside the door a long time, anxiously expecting an invitation to come in again. ‘O, it must be all in sport,’ said he; but at last we threatened to shoot him if he did not go about his business, and being apprehensive that we should put our threats into execution, he ran off as fast as he could. Before his dismissal, we gave his companion a few needles, and he took his leave in peace. The fellow’s excuse for leaving me in the manner he did, was, that Al Hadjee Salah, the late Captain Clapperton’s agent, had persuaded him, saying that I was going to travel[290] among Caffres who knew not Allah, and who would therefore murder him. He was frightened, he added; but it was easy to see that this was a mere excuse. His pretext for coming to us now, was, that Sceriffe Asman, who was going to his native country, Timbuctoo, had offered to convey letters for us, from whence they might be forwarded to Tripoli; and that he himself would call for them in the morning. This I hoped to prevent, by saying that we had neither letters to send, nor presents to give to Sceriffe, therefore we did not wish to see him.

A great number of Arabs are at present residing in Rabba; they have come from various parts, and trade with the natives in red caps, trona, small looking-glasses of the most inferior description, red cloth, silk, &c., which they bring chiefly from Fezzan. Among these Arabs is a famous Sheikh, who, we understand, will set out in a few days on a journey to Timbuctoo and other places.

Sunday, Oct. 10th.—Mohamed and the Falàtah messenger arrived at Zagōzhi in company this morning, in pursuance of their agreement. The former brought with him a fine sheep as a present from the Magīa, and Mallam Dendo sent a large pot of honey by the hands of the latter. Both princes, according to the account of their representatives, were mightily pleased with their[291] respective presents, and expressed their acknowledgments in the warmest and most grateful terms; they repeated the encouraging promises which they had before held out with regard to our journey, and have commissioned the ‘King of the Dark Water,’ under certain circumstances, to supply us with a commodious canoe, as excellent as our hearts can desire; strongly recommending us to enter into arrangements with him, and deliver our two Patàshie canoes, which are comparatively small and of little value, into his keeping till our departure from the country. A man is also to accompany us as far as the sea, to be our guide and interpreter on the voyage. This intelligence has made us quite easy in mind, and filled us with hope and joy, for, previous to the arrival of these men, our hearts misgave us that everything would not prosper well. They seem to have forgotten the presents we had bestowed on them as well as their masters, for they have been very pressing to-day in their solicitations for money and needles, so that I have gone so far as to cut my coat in pieces for them to make caps of the cloth. Mohamed, in particular, has been incessantly annoying us in this manner, and brought a fellow with him from Rabba, who, he wished us to believe, was the Magīa’s eldest son, merely for the purpose of exacting a present from us proportionate to his rank; but we saw through[292] his deceit in time to prevent our being taken in by him, and crushed it in its infancy.

It is provoking to be continually tormented so, and after all to receive nothing for our pains and the sacrifices we make but discontent, black looks, and grumbling without end. These fellows, instead of paying their respects in the first place to the chief of the island, had come to us directly from the landing-place; and, because they had something of consequence to communicate to him, in which we ourselves were intimately concerned, after having remained in our company long enough to ascertain that they could extort nothing further from us, Mohamed who had come with them, declared that they were in a hurry to be gone, to make amends for their delay, and therefore boldly demanded two thousand cowries ‘to open,’ as he expressed it, or ‘clean out the mouth of the “Water King!”’ or else, he declared, no business whatever could be transacted with him; it was the only method, he added gravely, with which he was acquainted, of enticing him to speak on any subject of importance. We knew all the time that the fellow was endeavouring to deceive us; but seeing how much our success depended on keeping all these sort of gentlemen in good humour, and that our interest lay in being imposed on now and then, we complied with his request. Considering, after what[293] had passed, that Mohamed and his colleagues might embezzle this sum, which in fact they strove to do, we sent Paskoe along with them to the chief’s house. Both he and his people continue to show us every hospitality, and to treat us with all manner of respect and civility.

Monday, Oct. 11th.—Ali, the Arab, who, it will be recollected, introduced himself to our notice in Yàoorie, paid us a visit to-day from Rabba, where he has been residing some time past. We hardly knew him again at first, on account of his altered countenance, and the languid and emaciated appearance of his person, which, he tells us, has been the effect of sickness and anxiety, occasioned by an attack of the Guinea-worm, which had confined him within doors on his mat for three weeks. Instead of proceeding to Alorie in Yarriba, which it was his intention of doing, he had changed his mind suddenly, and had come to Rabba, where he was at first courteously received and entertained. The horses which he had in his possession belonged to the good old Gadado of Soccatoo, by whom he was commissioned to sell them to the highest bidder. These animals were exceedingly large, handsome, and spirited, so much so indeed, that the prince of the Falàtahs took a great fancy to them, and purchased them, at an extravagant price, very shortly after they had been first exhibited in public by[294] Ali. But not having money sufficient at his disposal at the time, Mallam Dendo promised to give the value of the animals partly in cowries and partly in handsome tobes of native manufacture, which the seller agreed to receive as willingly. He has, however, been detained here ever since, and to the present time has been put off day after day with empty promises. Ali does not think that this procrastination proceeds from any dishonest feeling on the part of the prince of the Falàtahs, but that it is really from want of the means of paying him, owing to the expenses attending several warlike expeditions in which he has been recently engaged.

Such, generally speaking, is the manner of trading in this country, a few years’ credit being thought very little of; and it is not unusual to meet with individuals who have been unable to obtain payment of debts for ten or a dozen years at least.

We had a long chat with Ali, and gave him a few old things which were useless to us; but we soon found it necessary to send him away, as he began complaining very grievously of poverty and wretchedness.

The Arab, in course of conversation, remarked, that it would be a good speculation to send some needles for sale at the Rabba market, which is extremely large and well attended; therefore, we took the hint, and sent Jowdie and Ibrahim, two[295] of our men, with a certain quantity to dispose of, and they both returned in the evening with the fruits of their success, having obtained the sum of eight thousand cowries for them. This has given us fresh spirits again, for we had not a single cowrie to give to our men. The inhabitants of Rabba purchased them very eagerly, at from fifteen to thirty cowries each needle, and they were anxious to get more, when they found that our men had disposed of the whole.

It has been the policy of Mallam Dendo, who, by all accounts, is an able and crafty chief, and a courageous man, to advance foreigners of all nations to certain lucrative and important posts, either about his person, in the army, or as governors of conquered towns; and by this means he conciliates, in a great measure, the black, or original population of the country, confirms his reputation, and establishes his sovereignty with little trouble over lands and districts which he may have subjugated and added to his dominions. It appears that the prince of Rabba is wholly independent of Bello, the sultan of Soccatoo, or at most that he pays only a nominal allegiance to that monarch, though an amicable intercourse is constantly kept up between them.

Mallam Dendo lately planned an expedition against the kingdom of Funda, which was instantly carried into execution, though former enterprises[296] of the kind had uniformly terminated in confusion and defeat. This also was a complete failure; for as his soldiers were drawing near the city of Funda, as the story goes, and had attained an eminence for the purpose of reconnoitring the surrounding country, they saw, or thought they saw, to their infinite amazement, a large army coming out to meet them, and all the soldiers armed with muskets, and clothed after the manner of foreigners in blue and white dresses. This put them all in a consternation; and without stopping to look behind them, they fled with the utmost speed, and returned to their own homes without accomplishing anything. Here they attempted to vindicate their cowardice by telling their countrymen a very marvellous story of their having encountered an army of white men, whose formidable equipments and warlike appearance had made their hearts droop within them, and they had fled. In allusion to this story, Mallam Dendo asked Paskoe, in confidence, yesterday, whether he did not think that many of our countrymen were assisting their adversaries?

Mallam Dendo, it is said, can send one thousand horse soldiers, well equipped and mounted on noble animals, to the field; and the number of foot soldiers he has at his command is so great, that it is not known. All runaway[297] slaves are encouraged to join the ranks on condition of receiving their freedom; and they are joined by a vast number from the surrounding country. The natives are commanded by captains from among their own countrymen, and the Falàtahs also by theirs; the greatest good-will prevails among them, and we have nowhere observed quarrelling of any kind.

The Falàtahs are now in possession of the whole of Nouffie, Ederesa having relinquished his claim, as he had been deserted by the greater part of his troops, who joined the army of Mallam Dendo. Both the Magīa and Ederesa have little or no authority. The Falàtah prince has sent his messengers, both by land and water, to collect the taxes and tributes throughout the country of Nouffie, which were last year paid to Ederesa. Yarriba will soon follow the condition of Nouffie, and the Falàtahs, in the course of a few years, will reach the sea. An idea of their character may be formed from their usual boast, that they could conquer the whole world if the salt water did not prevent them.

Friday, Oct. 12th.—As we have already said, Rabba market is very celebrated, and considered by traders as one of the largest and best in the whole country, of which it may be styled the emporium; a variety of articles, both of native and foreign manufacture, are there offered for sale;[298] and it is generally well supplied with slaves of both sexes. Yesterday, one of our men counted between one and two hundred men, women, and children, who were all exposed for sale in ranks or lines. These poor creatures have, for the most part, been captured in war; and, it is said, that the Falàtahs rarely treat them with unkindness, and never with brutality. The price of a strong, healthy lad is about forty thousand cowries (8l. sterling); a girl fetches as much as fifty thousand, and perhaps more if she be at all interesting; and the value of men and women varies according to their age and abilities. Slaves are sometimes purchased at Rabba by people inhabiting a country situated a good way down the Niger, and from thence they are delivered from hand to hand till they at length reach the sea. Ivory is likewise sold, most likely to the same individuals, and large tusks may be purchased at a thousand cowries each, and occasionally at a much cheaper rate. We have eleven elephants’ tusks of our own, which were presented to us by the kings of Wowow and Boussà, but we have been unable to dispose of them at Rabba because no strangers are at present in the city.

All the principal inhabitants of Rabba are complaining bitterly of the want of money, and the peculiar hardness of the times. Formerly, they say, it was not so; and they ascribe their present[299] poverty and embarrassments to their late reverses in war, and misfortunes at home. Their recent unsuccessful attack on the Cumbrie people, who reside in the province of Engaskie, near Yàoorie, and which we have alluded to in our visit to that country, has quite humiliated and disheartened them. To be outwitted and overthrown by the unwarlike Cumbrie, who are considered as a despicable race by all people, and to have lost so many men and horses in that expedition, have been a source of great mortification to their vanity, and derogation of their high name. In order to redeem their national character from the stain which it has thus received, and to restore the reputation for bravery and resolution which had before so eminently distinguished them from their neighbours, but which is now so deeply tarnished, the Falàtahs at Rabba are actively employed in hastening preparations for the invasion of Yarriba; and are resolved, it is reported, to set out in a very few days for Katunga, the capital, which is to be their first object of attack. They anticipate success, without the dread of opposition; and they already boast of acquisitions which they have not yet gained, and exult in the thoughts of the splendour and opulence they shall enjoy in cities which they have not yet seen. Our old friend, the monarch of Yarriba, on his part, has been put on his guard,[300] and is, we hear, determined to resist any hostile attempt which may be made against his country.

Mallam Dendo sent for Paskoe this morning in a great hurry, with a message, that he was waiting impatiently his arrival at Rabba, having something of the utmost consequence to communicate. As may easily be conjectured, we were rather surprised at this unexpected summons, and waited Paskoe’s return with much anxiety, for we had no doubt whatever that we were principally concerned in it. When, however, he did come back, and enter our hut, he looked very wistfully, and informed us, with considerable agitation both of voice and manner, that Mallam Dendo had expressed to him the greatest dissatisfaction at the things which he had received from us as a present, declaring them to be perfectly worthless, and, with the exception of the looking-glass, ‘fit only for a child!’ that he well knew we could have sent him something more useful and of greater value, if we had thought proper; but that if we persisted in our refusal to do so, he should demand of us our guns, pistols, and powder, before he would consent or permit us to leave Zagōzhi. This news made us very uneasy and unhappy, and we sat down in gloom and thoughtfulness without uttering a word, for we believed this to be a death-blow to all our hopes. To part with the only defensive[301] weapons in our possession, we felt determined not to do; it brought to our recollection the fable of the lion deprived of his teeth and claws. We knew that if we were to be deprived of these, we should be entirely in the power of a set of fellows who are remarkable neither for generosity nor nobleness of principle, without the means of helping ourselves; and we resolved never to part with our guns unless compelled to do so by force or from the most urgent necessity. Having reflected deliberately on our situation, we felt convinced that something on our part must be done, by way of conciliation, if we had any intention of quitting the country, and of prosecuting our enterprise. The chief also wanted to know why we had not gone to Sansam to see the Magīa, having been only five days’ journey from him when at Yàoorie, and added, that one of us must go immediately. We were much hurt, and pointed out to the messenger our only box of presents, and told him it was all we possessed to last us to the sea, adding, that if we were to give his master more, we should have nothing left to obtain us even food on our voyage. At this moment we thought of Mr. Park’s tobe, which was given to us by the king of Boossà; and thought, that as it was the only thing which we had to offer, it might in consequence of the splendour of its appearance, and its intrinsic value, prove an acceptable present[302] to the covetous prince, and we fondly hoped that it might be the means of a perfect reconciliation on both sides: therefore, under these considerations, we immediately dispatched Ibrahim with it to Rabba, though our hearts misgave us at the time, that it would after all be thought lightly of, as an excuse for further extortions. Of course, we deeply lamented the necessity to which we were reduced on parting with this curiosity, but it was inevitable. We sent word by Ibrahim also, that having no good presents to give him was the reason I had not visited Bello when we were at Yàoorie, and that I declined doing so for the same reasons now. Our plan was to make friends with the Rabba chief, and this we have some hopes the tobe we have just sent to him will effect.

In less than two hours after his departure, Ibrahim returned from his errand with a quick step and cheerful looks, and informed us, that the tobe was accepted by the prince with rapturous admiration. By this present we had made him our friend for ever; he regretted that the Falàtahs had no canoes, but were they possessed of any, he would make us a present of as many as we might want, and accelerate our departure from Zagōzhi with all his influence. ‘Ask the white men,’ said he, ‘what they would desire, and if Rabba can supply them with it, tell them they shall always have it.’[303] ‘Well!’ he continued, ‘I must purchase this tobe; I will not accept it as a gift,—that would be against my principles, and besides it would be wrong for me to be guilty of such injustice. Now I shall be something like a king,’ he added, turning the tobe inside and out; ‘let no man know of it; my neighbours will behold me with envy; and as for my own people, I will surprise them some morning by putting it on when they are going to war; it will dazzle their eyes. How great will be their astonishment!’ In this manner the prince of the Falàtahs talked to Ibrahim. We hardly know what conclusion to draw from it, but rather imagine that this present of the tobe will in the end be advantageous to our interests, though we very much regret its loss. Our man has been desired to visit Rabba again to-morrow, when a present of some kind will be sent us as an acknowledgment, for such is the custom of the country.

Wednesday, October 13th.—In pursuance of the chief’s arrangement, we sent Ibrahim and Paskoe to him this morning. He received them with civility, said he was highly pleased at their coming, and wished to know in what manner he could best express his acknowledgments to us for the present we had made him, which he termed a ‘princely gift,’ promising to make us all the return for it in his power, by forwarding our[304] departure, and assisting us in the object of our visit as much as he was able. Paskoe, who had previously been tutored by us, and who is not deficient in sagacity, made answer, and said, that our first wish, and the one which he believed we were most anxious about, was to obtain a large canoe, and pursue our journey on the Niger as fast as possible; that as we had little money, and but few presents, and as the ‘King of the Dark Water’ had refused to exchange a canoe of the above description, for those which we had obtained at Patàshie, unless we would consent to pay him ten thousand cowries, we should be obliged to him to settle that little affair to our satisfaction, otherwise he said we should be embarrassed with insuperable difficulties. And that if the prince of Rabba approved of it, a few mats, tobes, or sandals, would be highly acceptable; and would be considered by us as a sufficient remuneration for the presents we had made him. This answer pleased the prince, and he cheerfully agreed to the whole of Paskoe’s propositions. He then went out and procured a bundle of the handsomest-coloured mats, for the manufacture of which Rabba is famous, and came back, and delivered them into the hands of Paskoe as an offering to us, with two large bags of rice, and a bunch of plantains. He gave Ibrahim also a handsome tobe and cap for himself; and promised to[305] send a messenger to the King of the Dark Water to settle the business of the canoe, by whom he would likewise send valuable tobes, to be worn by my brother and myself. He then presented Paskoe with a thousand cowries; and he returned with Ibrahim to Zagōzhi, quite overjoyed with success.

A foot messenger from the King of Nouffie arrived at Rabba in the morning. His sovereign had despatched him privately to Mallam Dendo, with an insinuation to him, ‘that if it met with his approbation, he (the Magīa) would order us to be detained at Zagōzhi until we should consent to make him a present of a certain number of dollars, or something equivalent to them in value; that he disbelieved the story of our poverty altogether, and would therefore search our luggage, in order to discover whether our assertion was true or false, that we had no greater presents to make.’ So much dissimulation, meanness and rapacity, which this trait in his character exhibits, we had little reason to expect from the King of Nouffie, after expressing for us, so warmly and repeatedly as he has done, protestations of the most cordial, candid, and lasting friendship. We could not forbear feeling very indignant at this foul breach of the laws of hospitality and good faith, which we had experienced in every part of the country previous to this. Perhaps it was well that we had presented the prince of Rabba with Mr.[306] Park’s tobe, for he treated the message and its bearer with contempt, and answered energetically: ‘Tell the Magīa, your sovereign, that I would rebuke him for this expression of his sentiments; that I detest his base insinuations; that I will never consent to his wishes; and that I reject his proposal with disdain. What! shall the white men, who have come from such distant lands to visit our country, who have spent their substance among us, and made us presents, before we had leisure to do any good for them, shall they be treated so inhumanly? Never! They have worn their shoes from their feet, and their clothes from their persons, by the length and tediousness of their journeys; they have thrown themselves into our hands, to claim our protection and partake of our hospitality; shall we treat them then as robbers, and cast them from us like dogs? Surely not. What would our neighbours,—what would our friends—our foes, say to this? What could be a greater reproach than the infamy which would attach itself to our characters, and to our name, should we treat these poor, unprotected, wandering strangers, and white men, too, in the manner your monarch, the King of Nouffie, proposes? After they have been received and entertained with so much hospitality and honour in Yarriba, at Wowow, and at Boossà, shall it be said that Rabba treated them badly; that she shut her doors upon[307] them, and plundered them? No, never! I have already given my word to protect them, and I will not forfeit that sacred pledge for all the guns and swords in the world.’ Such was the answer which the King of Nouffie’s messenger received from the Falàtah chieftain. Surely it was worthy of a prince.

Our men saw and conversed with this Nouffie messenger, who had made no secret of his errand, and the above answer was related to Paskoe by the prince of the Falàtahs himself.

The imbecility of the Magīa, and his want of power, are strikingly apparent; he exercises a nominal authority only over his people, Mallam Dendo being evidently the ruling monarch of the whole kingdom of Nouffie. The former never enters into any public undertaking, without consulting the Falàtah ruler, and first obtaining his consent to the measure, be it urgent or otherwise.

Several Hàussa merchants arrived at Rabba this morning, with a number of fine horses for sale. As soon as they entered the town, they went to pay their respects to the prince, when Paskoe happened to be in his company, and they conversed together in the Falàtah language, not thinking for a moment that it could be understood by him. In allusion to us, for we are generally brought on the tapis on such occasions, they spoke very much in our praise, mentioned Captain[308] Clapperton, ‘the unfortunate Abdallah,’ in terms of the highest admiration, and had seen with wonder the splendid and curious presents which he had made to Sultan Bello at Soccatoo. ‘I know the white men, too,’ said the prince, ‘they are good men; in fact I have reason to speak well of them, for I also am a white man, and therefore I am of opinion that they are of the same blood as ourselves.’ It is in this manner that Falàtahs endeavour to claim relationship with Europeans, though these people are either of a swarthy complexion, or black as soot; and this passion to be considered fair is often carried to a most ridiculous height. White men, how sorry soever their outward appearance may be, are certainly considered, not only by Falàtahs, but by the native blacks, as a superior order of beings, in all respects more excellent than themselves. At Yàoorie we recollect having overheard a conversation between two men, who were quarrelling in the very height of passion. ‘What!’ exclaimed one of them to his fellow, ‘thou pitiful son of a black ant! dost thou presume to say that a horse was my father? Look at these Christians! for as they are, I am; and such were my ancestors; answer me not, I say, for I am a white man!’ The speaker was a Negro, and his skin was the colour of charcoal.

Thursday, October 14th.—It is time that our[309] journey should be completed, for our goods are very nearly exhausted; and so far from being in a condition to make further presents, our means will scarcely be adequate to procure the bare necessaries of life. Our stock of cloth, looking-glasses, snuff-boxes, knives, scissors, razors, and tobacco-pipes, has already been given away, and we have only needles and a few silver bracelets left to present to the chiefs whom we may reasonably expect to fall in with on our voyage down the Niger. Henceforward we must endeavour to shun as many large towns on the banks of the river, as we may venture to do with safety. In order to obtain a little money, in addition to what we have already been enabled to procure from the sale of a quantity of needles, both for present use and future convenience, I sent my watch this afternoon to the Falàtah general, who is the Bornouese that made us a present a day or two ago, and he agreed to purchase it for the sum of sixty thousand cowries; but having the misfortune to let it fall shortly afterwards, as he was in the act of mounting his horse, the glass was broken by the accident, and it was so much damaged outwardly, that its beauty of appearance is entirely destroyed. It was returned to us towards evening, with a present of a bunch of plantains and a beautiful leopard’s skin, as a remuneration[310] for the injury which it had sustained, but without sending any apology, or the most distant allusion to the accident! The watch, however, still ticked, and the brightness of its inner case was untarnished, therefore we sent it over instantly to Mallam Dendo, who received it with eagerness, and purchased it on the spot for a large sum of money, which he has promised to pay us to-morrow, and Paskoe has accordingly left it in his hands.

The story which we heard when at Yàoorie, relative to the decease of old Mallam Dendo, father of the present prince of the Falàtahs, was not true, as that individual is still alive. But the rumour we suppose to have originated from the old chief’s abdication in favour of his son, which took place at the time, and his relinquishment of all public business in consequence of that resolution, though it is said that he still influences his son’s conduct in all private as well as public concerns. He now sits, as the Arabs tell us, in one position every day from morning till night, with three large calabashes around him, one of which is kept constantly filled with tuah, another with cowries, and a third with goora nuts; and he revels in the delights which these calabashes afford him all day long. He has the reputation also, now that he is become old, of being both a miser and a[311] glutton. He receives but few visiters, and those are of a particular description, with whom acquaintance has made him familiar, and whose company, equality of age, and a similarity in tastes and inclinations, have rendered desirable. These friends are at liberty to eat a handful of tuah, or chew a goora nut in his company, whenever they please. Old Mallam Dendo is considered a very eccentric character by all those who have either seen or heard of him, and his singular manner of living is the common theme of conversation among all ranks. His son is said to inherit none of his father’s foibles or propensities; he is revered as a leader, and beloved as a man, though the Arabs do not speak well of his consistency. For some reason, the report of the old man’s death is industriously propagated.

Friday, October 15th.—We are generally awakened every morning at day-break, and on particular occasions long before the sun rises, with the noise of the grinding of corn and the loud cheerful singing which accompanies it from the females engaged in that laborious occupation, for females only are employed in it. The same custom prevails in Yarriba, in Borgoo, and at Yàoorie, and in fact throughout the whole of western, central, and northern Africa, as far as we can learn. Instead of the mill formerly used in Judea, and in[312] all eastern countries, with its handle of wood or iron in the rim, the people here simply employ two large stones, flat and smooth, with the uppermost of which they rub the grain till it becomes sufficiently fine. Perhaps this is a more ancient, as it is a more simple contrivance, than the corn-mills used by the females of the east, to which it is greatly inferior. However, Dr. Clarke, the traveller, is of opinion, that the former ‘are the primeval mills of the world,’ and he also says, that ‘they are still found in all corn countries where rude and ancient customs have not been liable to those changes introduced by refinement.’

Rabba, which has before been alluded to, appears from Zagōzhi to be a considerably large, neat, clean, and well-built town, though it is unwalled, and is not otherwise fenced. It is irregularly built on the slope of a gently-rising hill, at the foot of which runs the Niger; and in point of rank, population, and wealth, it is the second city in the Falàtah dominions, Soccatoo alone being considered as its superior. It is inhabited by a mixed population of Falàtahs, Noufanchie, and emigrants and slaves from various countries, and is governed by a ruler who exercises sovereign authority over Rabba and its dependencies, and is styled Sultan or King. The regal power is despotic, though exercised with mildness, and the succession[313] hereditary. The Arabs and all strangers have an enclosure of dwellings to themselves, which is in the suburbs of the town. Rabba is famous for milk, oil, and honey. The market, when our messengers were there, appeared to be well supplied with bullocks, horses, mules, asses, sheep, goats, and abundance of poultry. Rice and various sorts of corn, cotton, cloth, indigo, saddles and bridles made of red and yellow leather, besides shoes, boots, and sandals, were offered for sale in great plenty. Although they observed about two hundred slaves for sale, none had been disposed of when they left the market in the evening. The inhabitants grow abundance of corn and rice, and other productions common to the neighbouring countries, and they cultivate the plantain shrub with success. They possess large flocks and herds of the finest description, and their horned cattle are remarkable for their size and beauty. They have also a prodigious number of excellent horses, of which they take the greatest care, and they are universally admired for their strength and elegant proportions. These animals are used only for war, recreation, and in travelling. It is the pride and pleasure of the higher classes to dress well, and display their persons and their horsemanship to advantage, and it is gratifying to witness the grace and dexterity with which they preserve their command over these beautiful creatures. In the[314] management of their horses, they are perhaps not inferior to the Arabs, from whom they have, in all probability, derived most of their lessons in the art. Rabba is not very famous for the number or variety of its artificers, and yet in the manufacture of mats and sandals they are unrivalled. However in all other handicrafts Rabba yields to Zagōzhi.

Zagōzhi, situated as it is, directly opposite Rabba, participates in many of its advantages, though still it has various inconveniences peculiar to itself. The town is built on a bog, for such it appears to us, and it lies so close to the water, that in fact hundreds of huts are literally standing in it. So little regard do the people appear to have for what is termed comfort, that they suffer the walls of their dwellings either to fall to pieces, or permit large chinks and holes to remain in them, which freely admit the wind and rain; while the floors, which are made of earth or clay, are so soft and damp, that a slender stick may easily be thrust into them by the hand to any depth. Our own is of this description. In so moist a situation as this, it may readily be supposed the air in the night season is illuminated with fire-flies. The huts of the natives are infested with mosquitoes and other more disgusting insects, which abound indeed in millions. When the Niger subsides, and leaves Zagōzhi exposed with all its dirt to the influence[315] of the sun, the noxious vapours and exhalations with which the air must of necessity be impregnated, will render it no doubt very insalubrious; but at present the inhabitants make few or no complaints.

In their huts the people exhibit no very favourable specimens of taste or cleanliness; and in this respect, certainly, they are greatly inferior to their neighbours on the other side of the river. However, in their persons they are by no means so negligent, for they always appear extremely well dressed; and we have rarely met with so large a number of tall, handsome, well-formed men and comely women, as in this place.

The care which the Falàtah bestows, and the pride which he takes in his horse, are employed and indulged by the inhabitants of Zagōzhi in an equal proportion in their canoes; the Niger is covered with these little vessels, and to be skilful in the management of them is their greatest boast. The chief of the island has about six hundred canoes, all of which will be employed, when the young Mallam Dendo is proclaimed king, in conveying the Falàtah troops across the river on their expedition into Yarriba. They are fond of aquatic occupations, even to a passion, and carry them to excess. All the trade by water in these parts is in their hands, and they are proprietors of the ferry to and from Rabba, which is a source of[316] considerable emolument to those engaged in this speculation. They are also excellent fishermen, and, in fact, the population of Zagōzhi are almost amphibious, so prone are they to be perpetually sporting in bogs or dabbling in water. But they do not confine themselves all the year round entirely to the river, for they cultivate the soil as well, and, like their countrymen of Nouffie, in the manufacture of various articles they evince considerable ingenuity and expertness. The cloth which they manufacture in common with their countrymen, and the tobes and trowsers which they make, are most excellent, and would not disgrace an European manufactory; they are worn and valued by kings, chiefs, and great men, and are the admiration of the neighbouring nations, which vainly attempt to imitate them. We have also seen a variety of caps, which are worn solely by females, and made of cotton interwoven with silk, of the most exquisite workmanship. The people here are uncommonly industrious, be they males or females, and are always busy either in culinary, or other domestic occupations.

In our walks we see groups of people employed in spinning cotton and silk; others in making wooden bowls and dishes, mats of various patterns, shoes, sandals, cotton dresses and caps, and the like; others busily occupied in fashioning brass and iron stirrups, bits for bridles, hoes, chains,[317] fetters, &c.; and others again employed in making saddles and horse accoutrements. These various articles, which are intended for the Rabba market, evince considerable taste and ingenuity in their execution.

We have not seen a single public amusement since we have been among them. In this respect they are an example to their neighbours. They seem quite independent of all authority and above all restraint, except that of the legitimate King of the Dark Water, and their own interests induce them to obey him alone. They care as little for the Falàtahs as the Falàtahs for them; the peculiarity of their situation renders them secure from foreign invasion, and insensible to the calamities and distresses which overwhelm the natives of many parts of the continent. They have liberty stamped on their features, and lightness and activity, so rarely to be seen in this country of sluggards, are observable in all their actions. The generality of the people are well-behaved; they are hospitable and obliging to strangers; they dwell in amity with their neighbours, and live in unity, peace, and social intercourse with themselves; they are made bold by freedom, affluent by industry and frugality, healthy by exercise and labour, and happy from a combination of all these blessings.

The population of Zagōzhi cannot well be estimated, on account of its lowness and the prevailing[318] flatness of the country round, on which neither a hillock nor eminence of any kind can be discerned. However, it must be immense; and we consider it to be one of the most extensive and thickly inhabited towns, as well as one of the most important trading places in the whole kingdom of Nouffie, not excepting even Coulfo. According to our estimation the island may be about fifteen miles long and three in breadth, but the greater part of it is now nearly overflowed. Notwithstanding this, the natives appear to enjoy good health.

Novelties, however trifling, attract the notice of the people of Rabba, as glittering baubles excite the attention of a child; and as children, too, become tired of their plaything a few moments only after it is put into their hands, so do they throw aside in disgust, when it ceases to be a novelty, that which they would have given half their substance to obtain a few seconds before it actually became their own. They are

Pleased with a feather, tickled with a straw.

The prince of the Falàtahs is already tired of my watch, which he purchased yesterday, and he returned it this afternoon, with all its machinery broken; and, like the Bornouese soldier, without making any acknowledgment for his carelessness. However, we have received permission to quit Zagōzhi to-morrow morning, to pursue our journey[319] down the Niger; and though all the promises of the Magīa have terminated in nothing—though a Nouffie guide has been denied us—and though it is likely that we shall be perplexed with a thousand difficulties, yet we are in high spirits and great good humour at the thoughts of our release, for we know that we shall go our way with alacrity and confidence.

We have been busily employed in packing up and making preparations for our departure from Zagōzhi to-morrow morning. We are in hopes of having no difficulties about the canoe, and are desirous of obtaining one that will hold all of our party, as it will be a much more satisfactory arrangement for us, and more convenient than two small ones. The chief of the island visited us in the morning, and promised to send a messenger with us as far as Egga, on the banks of the river. This is the last town, we are told, down the river belonging to the Nouffie territory, and its distance from hence is said to be four days’ journey. He tells us also, that the river is quite safe, according to the reports of the Nouffie people who trade between this place and Egga.

This afternoon, the chief was unwilling to part with a canoe under any consideration, yet, as a token of his friendship and regard, he has offered to spare us one for twenty thousand cowries! in addition to our own which we brought from Patàshie[320] island. A messenger from the prince of Rabba arrived here just after this proposition was made us, with full powers to treat with the Water King for our canoe. ‘I will see,’ said the man, ‘whether I can make him comply with your wishes or not; he will not show me any of his airs, I am sure.’ This messenger brought with him a large bag of rice as a present from Mallam Dendo, who desired him to inform us, that ‘he wished us well, and should be most happy to hear of our return to the country by way of the Niger.’ As soon as he had delivered his message to us, he repaired to the dwelling of the Zagōzhi chief, and returned to us from his errand shortly afterwards, with the intelligence of his having succeeded in obtaining the long-talked-of canoe, which would be in readiness to receive us on board at an early hour to-morrow. This has removed a great weight from our minds.

Last night my brother was troubled and terrified in his sleep by a frightful dream of scorpions, and, to his astonishment, when he awoke this morning, he discovered one of those reptiles on his mat, which he had crushed to death in his sleep.

The ‘Dark Water King’ has been informed of our poverty, we believe, and his goodness is declining very perceptibly in consequence. Nor do his people, we are sorry to say, regard us with the same respect and partiality as formerly, nor[321] treat us with as much beer as they did. Doubtless they have imbibed a similar notion, that the white men are poor, and their kindness and goodnature are also fast dwindling away. Perhaps all this is natural: even from our friends and relations, hospitality and tenderness do not, under such circumstances, last for ever. It is true the natives have pitied us; but pity is composed of sorrow and contempt; and here, as in more polished countries, we have found it to be unsubstantial and fleeting. After the first gush of feeling, the tear of compassion gives place to the frigid indifference of contempt. To be pitied is to be despised. Such is the case here, and such is the way of the world.

LONDON:
Printed by William Clowes,
Stamford Street.

## FOOTNOTES:

[1]Mesr, as the Arabs pronounce the word, is the Cairo of Europeans.

[2]The same as Comie in the map.

[3]This is most probably the Songa of Clapperton, he having passed through it on his way to Comie from Boossà; and his name, therefore, has been adopted in the map.

[4]This place has three names. Clapperton calls it Comie, ‘or more properly, Wonjerque,’ and Lander Inguâzhilligee. It appears to be the first place below Boossà where the river is entirely clear of rocks, and is therefore adopted as the ferry, and called the ‘King’s Ferry.’ It is the general thoroughfare for merchants passing and repassing from Nouffie and the countries to the north-east of Borgoo.

[5]The first z in this word, is pronounced like our z in azure.

## Transcriber's note:

- pg 60, Changed: "the Magīa, which which was the occasion of" to: "Magīa, which was"
- pg 93, Changed: "for these simple, villagers" to: "for these simple villagers"
- pg 143, Changed: "aud he felt assured that we should reach" to: "and"
- pg 148, Changed: "we came in sight of the wals" to: "walls"
- pg 230, Changed: "little more sprits of hartshorn" to: "spirits"
- pg 240, Changed: "aftewards, in order to get clear" to: "afterwards"
- Minor changes in punctuation have been done silently.
- Other spelling inconsistencies have been left unchanged.